President Clinton: India Is Not For Sale!
Prakash
Karat
I
President
Clinton
is
visiting
India
in
March
2000.
Normally
a
visit
by
the
Head
of
State
of
a
country
with
which
India
has
good
relations
would
be
a
welcome
event
and
part
of
state-to-state
relations.
However,
the
Clinton
visit
is
invested
with
more
than
usual
significance.
The
United
States
of
America
is
aggressively
pushing
forward
its
plan
for
global
hegemony
and
India
is
one
of
the
prime
targets
in
this
global
strategy
of
US
imperialism.
An
American
President
is
visiting
India
after
nearly
22
years.
The
last
US
President
came
in
1978.
It
is
the
first
visit
by
a
US
President
after
the
dismantling
of
the
Soviet
Union
and
the
major
changes
in
the
correlation
of
forces
in
the
world.
The
BJP-led
government
has
assiduously
worked
for
the
Clinton
visit
to
materialise.
The
Vajpayee
government
accords
a
special
status
to
relations
with
the
US
and
accepts
the
need
for
a
strategic
partnership
with
the
USA.
Brutal
Face
of
The
USA
is
no
ordinary
country.
It
is
the
most
powerful
superpower
which
heads
a
bloc
of
the
most
advanced
capitalist
nations,
the
Group
of
Seven
(G7).
It
is
the
leader
of
the
military
alliance
based
in
Europe,
NATO,
and
it
plays
a
dominant
role
in
the
international
institutions
like
the
IMF,
World
Bank
and
the
WTO.
The
US
multinational
corporations
in
finance
and
industry
are
the
most
powerful
in
the
world.
The
United
States
is
the
main
force
behind
the
imperialist
driven
globalised
order
and
it
provides
the
military
might
to
police
and
enforce
the
dictates
of
international
finance
capital.
The
history
of
the
five
decades
after
the
Second
World
War,
shows
that
the
United
States
has
time
and
again
militarily
intervened
in
different
parts
of
the
world
to
protect
the
interests
of
imperialism;
to
destabilise
the
governments
which
refuse
to
follow
the
American
dictates
and
to
prop
up
reactionary
regimes
imposed
on
the
people
against
their
wishes.
The
massive
intervention
in
Korea
in
the
fifties,
the
brutal
war
waged
against
the
Vietnamese
people
in
the
sixties
and
seventies,
the
toppling
of
the
Mossadegh
regime
in
Iran
in
the
fifties,
the
support
to
the
coup
in
Guatemala
and
Chile,
the
repeated
interventions
in
Central
America,
the
most
prominent
being
the
financing
of
the
Contras
to
wage
a
civil
war
against
the
Sandinista
regime
in
Nicaragua,
the
support
to
the
counterrevolutionary
Unita
in
Angola
and
the
attack
on
Lebanon
are
just
some
of
the
instances
in
the
long
list
of
military
aggression
by
the
US
armed
forces.
Even
after
the
dismantling
of
the
Soviet
Union
which
was
cited
as
the
main
threat
to
the
United
States
and
the
end
of
the
so-called
cold
war,
the
United
States
has
over
250000
troops
and
scores
of
military
bases
abroad.
The
United
States
maintains
a
huge
military
base
in
Diego
Garcia
island
in
the
Indian
Ocean.
Situated
1500
miles
from
the
Indian
coastline,
the
Diego
Garcia
base
stocks
nuclear
weapons.
It
was
used
for
refuelling
planes
and
arming
them
with
missiles
for
the
bombing
raids
on
Iraq
in
the
1991
Gulf
war
and
the
subsequent
attacks.
The
existence
of
this
military
base
in
the
Indian
Ocean
is
a
direct
threat
to
India's
security.
According
to
the
United
Nations,
half
the
world's
population
in
75
countries
were
subject
to
the
unilateral
coercive
economic
measures
or
`sanctions'
by
the
USA
in
the
year
1998.
After
the
end
of
the
Soviet
Union,
the
United
States
has
become
more
belligerent:
Iraq is repeatedly bombed and its sovereignty violated by imposing "No Fly Zones" in its own airspace.
The
brutal
sanctions
prohibit
medicines,
food
and
other
essential
commodities
being
imported
into
Iraq.
As
a
result,
the
worst
sufferers
are
young
children.
The
Unicef
has
estimated
that
if
Iraq
had
sustained
its
child
welfare
programmes,
half
a
million
fewer
children
would
have
died
between
1991
and
1999.
For
the
US
rulers,
half
a
million
children's
lives
is
not
a
big
price
to
pay
to
bring
Saddam
Hussein
to
heel.
Yugoslavia
was
savagely
bombed
for
78
days
in
order
to
dislodge
the
Milosevic
government
and
to
back
the
separatist
forces
in
Kosovo.
3000
persons
were
killed
in
these
attacks.
The
most
relentless
economic
and
political
warfare
is
waged
against
Cuba
to
subvert
its
socialist
system.
The
United
States
even
today
maintains
a
military
base
on
Cuban
soil
in
Guantanamo
against
the
wishes
of
the
Cuban
people.
Apart
from
the
economic
and
trade
embargo,
the
US
refuses
to
send
back
a
eight
year
old
child,
Elian
Gonzalez,
back
to
his
father
in
Cuba,
as
part
of
its
inhuman
blockade.
From
the
nineties,
the
United
States
has
misused
the
United
Nations
Security
Council
repeatedly
to
launch
military
aggression
against
countries
which
refuse
to
accept
its
dictates.
The
brutal
face
of
US
imperialism
is
seen
all
over
the
world
today.
In
the
dying
children
of
Iraq,
the
destruction
of
Yugoslavia,
the
growing
immiserisation
of
the
people
of
the
third
world
through
the
structural
adjustment
programmes
imposed
through
the
IMF,
the
trampling
of
national
sovereignty
to
uphold
a
globalised
capitalism
and
the
toppling
of
popular
governments
by
bribery
and
subversion.
It
is
with
such
a
power
that
the
BJP
government
wishes
to
enter
into
a
"strategic
partnership".
II
US strategic designs in South Asia
The
United
States'
strategy
towards
India
has
changed
over
the
last
two
decades.
After
the
end
of
the
cold
war,
the
United
States
has
identified
one
of
its
strategic
objectives
to
be
the
containment
of
regional
powers.
India
is
among
the
medium
powers
who
are
seen
to
have
the
economic
and
technological
capacity
to
develop
as
a
regional
power
which
can
threaten
the
United
States'
global
interests.
After
the
dismantling
of
the
Soviet
Union
and
the
toppling
of
the
pro-Soviet
government
in
Afghanistan,
the
United
States
began
to
change
its
approach
to
India.
On
the
one
hand,
it
wants
to
curb
India's
technological
and
defence
potential
and
keep
it
under
control,
on
the
other
hand,
it
wants
to
coopt
India
as
a
regional
power
under
its
hegemonic
umbrella.
The
tactics
of
pressure
and
inducements,
threats
and
conciliation
are
designed
to
coax
and
cajole
India
to
accept
the
status
of
a
junior
partner
in
the
US
strategic
plans
for
South
Asia.
As
part
of
this
overall
plan
for
the
Indian
subcontinent,
the
USA
wants
to
yoke
India
and
Pakistan
together
as
two
wheels
of
the
US
chariot.
The
tensions
and
hostility
between
India
and
Pakistan
are
sought
to
be
utilised
and
balanced
by
the
United
States
to
serve
its
strategic
goal.
Such
a
plan
is
inimical
to
India's
national
interests
and
giving
in
to
such
pressures
will
erode
India's
sovereignty
and
decision-making
capacities.
It
is
in
this
context
that
the
US
Congress
for
the
first
time
adopted
a
near
unanimous
resolution
calling
for
a
strategic
partnership
with
India
in
December
1999.
The
United
States
would
like
to
capture
the
Indian
market
which
is
substantial
by
world
standards,
penetrate
its
economy
and
buy
up
its
assets
cheaply
and
enmesh
India
in
a
strategic
military
relationship.
This
does
not
however
mean
that
the
United
States
is
abandoning
Pakistan
while
bidding
for
India
as
a
strategic
ally.
The
United
States
has
always
maintained
strategic
ties
with
the
Pakistani
State.
Pakistan
has
been
the
most
reliable
ally
of
US
imperialism
in
this
region
since
the
fifties.
It
was
a
member
of
the
American
military
alliance,
CENTO
and
it
allowed
the
US
armed
forces
to
run
military
bases
in
the
country.
The
Pakistan
army
has
been
trained
and
equipped
by
the
United
States.
The
Zia-ul-Haq
regime
was
particularly
close
to
the
United
States
establishment
and
a
client
of
the
CIA.
It
was
through
the
Pakistani
military
that
the
CIA
funneled
millions
of
dollars
worth
of
arms
and
equipment
to
the
Mujahideen
fighting
in
Afghanistan.
After
the
end
of
the
Afghan
war
and
dismantling
of
the
Soviet
Union,
the
United
States
continues
to
exercise
strong
influence
over
the
ruling
circles
in
Pakistan.
Joint
military
exercises
between
the
Pakistani
and
American
armed
forces
are
a
regular
feature.
III
Hostile Measures against India
The
United
States
is
the
one
country
which
has
acted
in
a
consistently
hostile
fashion
against
India's
long
term
and
vital
interests.
The
current
technology
control
regimes
constructed
by
the
United
States
is
aimed
against
India
too.
While
prohibition
of
transfer
of
nuclear
technology
have
existed
even
before
the
Pokhran
II
tests,
the
US
did
not
mete
out
similar
treatment
to
Israel
or
the
earlier
racist
South
African
regime.
After
Pokhran
I
tests
in
1974,
the
US
had
prohibited
transfer
of
any
technology
for
designing,
building
or
maintaining
nuclear
reactors
and
processing
of
nuclear
fuel
to
India.
Even
safety
equipment
or
equipment
required
for
the
nuclear
plants
supplied
by
the
US
such
as
Tarapur
are
not
permitted
to
be
supplied
to
India.
Technology
which
can
be
used
for
developing
nuclear
weapons
or
missiles
and
which
have
dual
use
i.e.
application
for
civilian
purposes
are
also
in
the
prohibited
list
for
India.
Many
of
the
technologies
which
can
contribute
to
development
of
nuclear
weapons
and
missiles
have
very
large
civilian
applications
as
well.
For
instance,
electronic
devices
for
triggering
nuclear
devices
are
used
in
oil
exploration.
High-speed
components
required
for
climate
modeling
or
designing
modern
equipment
can
also
be
used
to
design
nuclear
bombs.
A
modern
pharmaceutical
industry
can
be
used
to
make
biological
weapons.
In
fact
the
weapons
control
regimes
imposed
by
the
US
and
its
allies
target
a
whole
range
of
high
technology
areas
which
are
essential
for
India's
development.
The
US
has
a
huge
list
of
Indian
entities
that
cannot
import
items
in
its
dual-
use
import
list.
All
organisations
involved
with
either
aeronautical
studies
or
nuclear
engineering
cannot
import
any
item
in
this
list.
Before
Pokhran
I
certain
items
could
be
imported
by
these
entities
with
a
license.
Now,
virtually
there
is
a
complete
ban
on
all
items
considered
of
dual
use
by
the
US
and
its
allies.
The
technology
control
regimes
are
operated
through
mechanisms
such
as
the
Nuclear
Suppliers
Group
(NSG),
the
Missile
Technology
Control
Regime
(MTCR),
the
Chemical
and
Biological
weapons:
Australia
Group
(AG)
and
the
Dual
Use
Technology
and
Conventional
Weapons:
Wassenaar
Arrangement
(WA).
India
is
the
target
country
for
all
the
above
technology
regimes
except
for
the
chemical-biological
areas.
The
dual
use
technology
embargo
is
particularly
burdensome
for
India.
It
reduces
access
for
various
technologies
required
for
domestic
industry.
It
also
imposes
additional
costs
on
the
Indian
industry.
In
the
field
of
electronic
chip
manufacturing
and
super
computers,
India
is
unable
to
get
the
state
of
the
art
technology
due
to
the
US
embargoes.
The
Vajpayee
government
instead
of
strongly
opposing
such
illegal
controls
only
shows
concern
about
the
"violation"
of
these
regimes
by
Pakistan.
The
Vajpayee
government
has
not
questioned
the
legitimacy
of
any
of
these
embargoes
in
any
forum
including
the
WTO.
Even
while
the
Jaswant
Singh-Strobe
Talbott
talks
were
on,
the
US
announced
the
"entities
list"
in
November,
1999
which
put
200
Indian
institutions
and
companies
on
the
prohibited
list
to
stop
them
having
normal
transactions
with
US
companies.
On
the
eve
of
the
Clinton
visit,
sanctions
have
been
lifted
on
only
51
of
these
entities.
The
Clinton
Administration
is
constantly
threatening
India
with
hostile
measures
for
developing
its
missile
technology,
like
the
Agni
missile.
But
its
hypocrisy
and
double
standards
are
evident
in
its
joint
missile
development
project
with
Israel.
Since
Israel
is
the
reliable
agent
of
US
imperialism
in
West
Asia,
the
US
is
jointly
developing
the
Arrow
Missile
II
with
Israel.
This
anti-ballistic
missile
defence
system
was
tested
in
Israel
in
November,
1999.
Outside
the
US-led
alliance,
no
else
is
supposed
to
develop
missiles.
The
United
States
is
working
to
destroy
the
substantial
drug
industry
built
up
in
India
through
the
protection
offered
by
the
Patents
Act
of
1970.
India
had
been
able
to
produce
bulk
drugs
using
innovative
process
technologies.
Now
India
is
required
to
buy
process
patenting
for
a
period
of
twenty
years
which
in
one
sweep
will
make
the
R&D
infrastructure
in
the
pharmaceutical
structure
largely
infructuous.
The
WTO
regime
is
being
utilised
by
the
United
States
and
the
multinationals
to
destroy
the
indigenous
research
and
development
process
of
drug
production.
The
interests
of
the
MNCs
would
be
better
served
if
they
directly
import
and
earn
super
profits
through
the
time-tested
method
of
"transfer
pricing".
Thanks
to
the
American
pressure,
MNCs
like
Ciba
Geigy,
Pfizer,
Boots,
and
Hoechst
who
control
new
technology
would
be
in
a
position
to
take
over
the
Indian
market
and
fix
drug
prices
and
drug
availability
at
will.
It
is
argued
that
compulsory
licensing
provisions
would
prevent
the
creation
of
monopolies
when
India
amends
its
Patents
Act.
However,
the
United
States
government
and
the
US
pharmaceutical
industry
are
trying
their
best
to
prevent
compulsory
licensing
of
drugs
in
developing
countries.
According
to
Dr.
Amit
Sengupta
"When
the
Thai
government
wanted
to
invoke
a
compulsory
licensing
provision
to
produce
DDL
--
an
anti-AIDS
drug
at
cheaper
costs,
the
US
government
persuaded
the
Thai
government
not
only
to
drop
its
plans
for
compulsory
licensing
but
also
to
change
is
patent
and
trade
laws
to
outlaw
compulsory
licensing
altogether.
It
threatened
to
reduce
Thailand's
access
to
the
US
markets
for
its
jewellery
exports,
one
of
Thailand's
major
sources
of
foreign
exchange,
while
at
the
same
time
offering
to
cut
tariffs
on
wood
products
entering
the
US
market."
Dangers
of
The
Indo-US
military
cooperation
treaty
signed
in
January
1995
during
the
visit
of
the
then
US
Defence
Secretary
William
Perry,
marked
a
new
stage
in
Indo-US
relations.
From
the
1980s
military
cooperation
between
the
two
countries
was
initiated
with
joint
naval
exercises.
This
was
followed
by
the
setting
up
of
an
Indo-US
Army
steering
committee
in
1992.
Following
this,
joint
steering
committees
of
the
two
navies
and
air
forces
were
constituted.
After
that
for
five
successive
years
upto
1997
joint
exercises
were
conducted
by
the
two
armies
on
the
ground
and
by
the
two
navies
in
the
sea.
The
BJP-led
government
which
came
to
power
in
1998
was
not
opposed
to
military
cooperation
with
the
USA.
Infact
the
then
BJP
President,
L.K.
Advani,
had
welcomed
the
first
Indo-US
joint
naval
exercises
in
1992.
After
the
nuclear
tests,
the
growing
military
cooperation
came
to
a
halt
temporarily.
The
US
suspended
joint
activities
between
the
two
armed
forces
as
part
of
the
sanctions
imposed
on
India.
Significantly,
the
first
measure
announced
by
the
US
in
relaxing
the
sanctions
in
November
1999
was
the
resumption
of
training
of
Indian
armed
forces
personnel
under
the
International
Military
Education
Training
(IMET)
programme.
It
is
under
this
programme
that
the
Pentagon
conducts
joint
training
programmes
with
the
armed
forces
of
other
countries.
The
most
reactionary
military
officers
of
South
America
were
trained
under
this
programme
in
the
notorious
School
of
Americas
run
by
the
Pentagon.
It
is
one
of
the
major
instruments
by
which
the
United
States
penetrates
the
armed
forces
of
the
third
world
countries
and
suborns
its
officer
corps
and
entrenches
itself
in
the
higher
echelons
of
the
armed
forces.
India
is
now
subject
to
such
subversion.
IV
BJP -- Subservience to American Interests
The
BJP
as
a
party
has
always
been
inimical
to
the
principle
of
non-alignment
as
the
basis
of
India's
foreign
policy.
The
BJP
and
its
earlier
incarnation,
the
Jan
Sangh,
has
hankered
for
recognition
of
India
by
United
States
and
expressed
repeatedly
their
willingness
to
be
the
junior
partner
of
the
super
power
provided
it
abandoned
its
strategic
relationship
with
Pakistan.
The
visit
of
President
Clinton
comes
as
the
culmination
of
a
long
process
of
negotiations
between
the
BJP-led
government
and
the
US
administration.
These
talks
have
gone
on
for
nearly
two
years
beginning
in
June
1998.
What
has
come
to
be
known
as
the
Jaswant
Singh-Strobe
Talbott
talks
constitutes
a
unique
and
disturbing
character
in
the
annals
of
India's
foreign
policy.
Ten
rounds
of
talks
have
been
held
so
far
between
India's
foreign
minister,
Jaswant
Singh
and
the
US
Assistant
Secretary
of
State,
Strobe
Talbott.
These
talks
were
held
during
the
first
thirteen-month
stint
of
the
Vajpayee
government,
the
four-month
caretaker
government
period
headed
by
Vajpayee
and
resumed
after
the
elections
with
the
coming
of
the
Second
Vajpayee
government.
The
Vajpayee
government
has
set
a
new
precedent
by
holding
these
talks
in
a
clandestine
manner
with
the
venue
being
on
most
occasions
not
in
India
or
the
USA,
but
in
third
countries.
Frankfurt,
Geneva,
Rome
and
London
have
been
the
venues
where
the
talks
were
held
to
ensure
secrecy.
Firstly,
Prime
Minister
Vajpayee
wrote
to
President
Clinton
citing
the
threat
from
China
as
the
reason
for
the
nuclear
tests
in
May
1998
and
seeking
US
approval.
After
the
United
States
mobilised
the
G7
and
the
Security
Council
to
condemn
India
for
the
nuclear
blasts,
it
imposed
economic
sanctions.
In
response
to
India's
pleadings
it
then
began
the
talks
which
have
continued
till
now.
It
is
through
these
talks
that
the
United
States
has
pursued
its
twin
aims
of
trying
to
impose
a
nuclear
non-proliferation
regime
on
India
and
Pakistan
and
to
extract
concessions
from
India
for
lifting
of
sanctions
and
allowing
India
to
maintain
a
minimum
nuclear
deterrent
in
the
form
of
keeping
US
approved
stockpile
of
nuclear
weapons.
By
engaging
in
secret
negotiations
with
the
United
States
on
the
terms
set
by
it,
the
Vajpayee
government
has
succeeded
in
putting
India
in
the
same
bracket
with
Pakistan.
It
has
allowed
the
United
States
to
play
the
role
of
the
arbiter
in
the
nuclear
equation
between
India
and
Pakistan.
Just
as
the
United
States
initiated
strategic
talks
with
India,
it
simultaneously
began
talks
with
the
Pakistan
government
in
its
quest
for
its
non-proliferation
agenda,
reducing
tensions
between
the
two
countries
including
the
Kashmir
issue
and
pushing
forth
its
economic
agenda.
While
the
BJP
led
government
was
being
secretive
about
its
talks
with
the
United
States,
the
Nawaz
Sharief
government
was
more
open
about
the
nature
and
the
content
of
the
talks
with
the
United
States.
This
is
because
the
US-Pakistan
relations
have
been
on
a
stable
plank
for
a
long
time
and
there
is
nothing
to
hide.
The
BJP-led
government
on
the
other
hand
while
reversing
India's
traditional
policy
of
non-alignment
has
got
to
cover
up
and
obscure
this
process.
The
CPI(M),
in
its
16th
Party
Congress
in
October,
1998,
had
warned
that
"The
BJP's
nuclear
policy
has
made
India
more
vulnerable
to
imperialist
pressures.
A
situation
of
instability
in
the
region
will
only
help
imperialist
strategic
designs."
The
events
subsequently
have
completely
confirmed
this
conclusion.
Despite
the
veil
of
secrecy
behind
which
the
Vajpayee
government
surrendered
India's
vital
interests
to
America,
the
facts
about
the
nature
of
the
deals
struck
have
emerged
mainly
from
the
public
statements
and
media
interviews
given
by
the
American
side.
First
of
all
the
Vajpayee
government
agreed
to
sign
the
Comprehensive
Test
Ban
Treaty
(CTBT)
within
six
months
after
the
Pokhran
tests.
The
decision
to
sign
was
taken
in
the
shadow
of
coercive
action.
The
BJP-led
government
compromised
India's
sovereignty
by
offering
to
join
the
CTBT
while
being
subjected
to
sanctions
imposed
by
the
United
States
and
other
G-7
countries.
India
had
always
maintained
that
following
the
nuclear
non-proliferation
treaty,
a
CTBT
is
not
a
genuine
disarmament
measure.
The
US
sees
the
CTBT
as
a
non-proliferation
measure
to
ensure
that
nuclear
weapons
remain
with
the
five
countries
in
the
nuclear
club
and
also
ensure
overwhelming
American
nuclear
superiority.
Pro-Imperialist
In
its
quest
for
American
recognition
as
a
nuclear
weapons
power,
the
Vajpayee
government
has
expressed
its
readiness
to
accept
the
United
States
as
a
hegemonic
power
and
willing
to
act
within
the
framework
of
the
US
strategic
designs
for
South
Asia
and
the
world.
The
shift
in
foreign
policy
is
more
than
evident
with
this
pro-US
stance:
·
The
Vajpayee
government
refused
to
condemn
the
US
missile
attacks
on
Sudan
and
Afghanistan
in
1998
·
It
only
formally
deplored
the
US
bombardment
of
Iraq
and
the
continuing
efforts
to
dismember
the
country
·
During
the
NATO
aggression
of
Yugoslavia,
the
Vajpayee
government
refused
to
mobilise
world
opinion
against
the
savage
attack.
·
In
the
United
Nations,
the
BJP-led
government
has
no
record
of
opposition
to
the
US
steps
for
aggression
and
hegemony.
The
BJP
leadership
extended
support
to
the
American
attacks
on
Sudan
and
Afghanistan
in
the
hope
that
the
US
would
reciprocate
by
adopting
a
similar
stand
on
Pakistan
sponsored
terrorist
activities
in
Kashmir
and
India's
right
to
retaliate.
But
the
BJP
government's
policy
of
justifying
such
brazen
attacks
violating
the
sovereignty
of
independent
countries
in
the
expectation
of
US
support
boomeranged.
Soon
after
the
BJP
leadership
claimed
that
it
has
a
right
to
take
action
against
cross
border
terrorism
in
Kashmir,
Thomas
Pickering,
the
US
under
Secretary
of
State
for
Political
Affairs,
told
the
press
that
while
the
US
would
reserve
the
right
to
go
after
terrorists
anywhere,
it
is
opposed
to
India
exercising
a
similar
option
on
the
Kashmir
issue.
He
warned
India
against
any
preemptive
action
in
the
region.
This
led
to
a
volley
of
protests
from
the
BJP
leadership.
But
the
Americans
made
it
clear
that
only
the
superpower
has
to
right
to
counter
"terrorism"
anywhere
in
the
world.
The
disastrous
course
adopted
by
the
Vajpayee
government
for
nuclear
weaponisation
has
played
into
the
hands
of
the
United
States.
The
Kargil
conflict
underlines
how
Pakistan
has
been
able
to
internationalise
the
Kashmir
issue
utilising
the
new
situation
where
both
countries
have
declared
that
they
will
go
for
nuclear
weapons.
The
Vajpayee
government
sought
American
help
to
end
the
Kargil
conflict.
Though
the
Vajpayee
government
studiously
avoids
terms
like
mediator,
facilitator
or
third
party
role,
it
has
become
a
reality
that
Kashmir
has
become
internationalised
and
the
United
States
has
been
accorded
a
role
in
facilitating
negotiations
on
Kashmir
between
India
and
Pakistan.
The
joint
statement
issued
by
President
Clinton
and
Pakistan
Prime
Minister
Nawaz
Sharief
for
ending
the
Kargil
conflict
contained
a
commitment
by
President
Clinton
that
he
would
take
"personal
interest"
in
India
and
Pakistan
resolving
the
Kashmir
problem.
In
the
run-up
to
the
Clinton
visit,
Madeleine
Albright,
the
US
Secretary
of
State
has
made
it
amply
clear
that
nuclear
non-proliferation
and
the
tensions
because
of
the
Kashmir
issue
between
the
two
countries
India
and
Pakistan
would
figure
in
the
agenda
of
Clinton.
The
pathetic
attempts
by
the
Vajpayee
government
to
forestall
a
visit
to
Pakistan
by
President
Clinton,
shows
their
desperation
to
project
the
Clinton
visit
as
a
great
achievement
for
India.
If
the
Americans
do
not
oblige
them
by
ignoring
the
military
regime
in
Pakistan,
the
whole
misleading
portrayal
of
a
special
relationship
developing
with
India
will
come
unstuck.
The
surrender
on
all
vital
questions
will
be
all
the
more
difficult
to
conceal.
Surrendering
Vital
While
the
foreign
policy
has
been
re-oriented
to
meet
American
concerns,
the
concessions
given
on
the
domestic
front
are
equally
harmful.
One
of
the
first
concessions
extracted
by
the
United
States
in
the
Strobe
Talbott-Jaswant
Singh
talks
was
a
reaffirmation
of
the
commitment
made
by
previous
governments
to
open
up
the
insurance
sector.
The
BJP
which
had
earlier
opposed
foreign
capital
coming
into
the
insurance
sector
agreed
to
this
demand
in
1998
itself.
The
Insurance
Regulatory
and
Development
Authority
Bill
which
could
not
be
passed
by
the
first
Vajpayee
government
was
finally
adopted
in
the
first
session
of
the
new
Lok
Sabha
after
the
elections.
The
bill
provides
for
26
per
cent
foreign
equity
for
the
private
insurance
companies
which
will
be
set
up
in
India.
It
also
provides
sufficient
loopholes
for
foreign
run
insurance
companies
to
be
registered
in
India
as
Indian
companies.
The
BJP
which
had
mounted
a
big
campaign
against
the
Enron
project
at
Dabhol,
Maharashtra
and
accused
the
Congress
government
of
striking
an
unprincipled
deal
with
the
US
multinational
has
now
become
the
most
ardent
advocate
of
such
multinational
companies.
The
thirteen-day
government
of
Vajpayee
in
1996
tried
to
surreptitiously
approve
the
terms
of
the
Enron
agreement
by
holding
a
cabinet
meeting
just
before
the
vote
of
confidence
when
the
fall
of
the
government
was
due.
After
coming
back
to
power
in
1999,
the
BJP-led
government
has
now
extended
counter-guarantees
to
power
projects
in
which
American
multinationals
are
involved.
The
now
aborted
Congentrix
involved
project
in
Karnataka
was
also
given
a
counter-guarantee.
The
previous
BJP-Shiv
Sena
government
in
Maharashtra
not
only
approved
Phase
I
of
the
Dabhol
project
but
also
re-negotiated
an
expanded
project
with
Enron
including
Phase
II.
The
consequences
of
this
deal
is
now
unfolding.
The
bill
for
the
first
six
months
presented
by
the
Dabhol
company
indicates
that
the
cost
of
power
has
been
Rs.
4.64
per
unit.
The
cost
of
supplying
this
power
would
be
around
Rs
6.00
per
unit
which
means
that
the
Maharashtra
State
Electricity
Board
would
lose
around
Rs.
2.50
per
unit
on
Enron
supplied
power.
The
Vajpayee
government
has
now
decided
to
be
more
generous
to
foreign
capital.
It
has
now
proposed
automatic
entry
of
foreign
capital
upto
100
per
cent
equity
in
all
sectors
of
the
economy
except
for
a
small
negative
list
of
items.
This
was
announced
on
January
31
by
the
Union
Cabinet
to
create
the
right
atmosphere
for
the
visit
by
President
Clinton
who
is
being
accompanied
by
a
large
delegation
of
top
business
executives
from
the
US.
The
US
has
been
relentlessly
pressurising
India
to
liberalise
imports
by
drastically
cutting
down
import
duties
and
remove
all
quantitative
restrictions
on
imports.
The
World
Trade
Organisation
has
been
used
to
decree
that
India
cannot
impose
quantitative
restrictions.
While
the
European
Union
agreed
to
India
lifting
such
restrictions
by
2003,
the
US
did
not
agree.
Under
US
pressure,
an
agreement
was
signed
in
December
1999
by
the
two
countries
by
which
India
will
remove
all
quantitative
restrictions
on
imports.
1429
items
which
have
been
on
the
restricted
list
can
be
freely
imported
from
1st
April
2001.
This
will
include
all
agricultural
commodities
including
wheat,
rice,
vegetables
and
milk
products.
The
tariff
bindings
for
some
of
these
items
will
be
low
as
per
the
WTO
requirements.
What
this
means
is
that
there
will
be
a
flood
of
goods
into
India
which
will
out
price
the
agricultural
commodities
produced
by
Indian
farmers
and
threaten
their
livelihood.
Indian
agriculture
itself
will
undergo
a
major
transformation
with
food
security
being
threatened
and
self-reliance
in
food
production
being
destroyed.
India
and
the
developing
countries
posses
a
majority
of
the
world's
genetic
resources,
but
over
95
per
cent
of
the
patents
are
held
by
the
rich
countries.
The
agreement
on
intellectual
property
rights
(TRIPs)
allows
patenting
of
life
forms.
The
US
is
pressing
for
a
system
much
more
vigorous
than
what
exists
in
the
WTO
agreement;
it
wants
included
all
life
forms
that
are
genetically
modified.
The
patenting
of
plant
varieties
will
endanger
the
bio-diversity
of
all
countries
and
the
rights
of
local
people
to
these
resources.
The
US
is
in
the
forefront
of
this
campaign
against
the
third
world
interests.
The
threat
to
India's
bio-diversity
and
biological
resources
by
the
American
multinational
corporations
working
in
this
area
is
already
unfolding
with
the
patenting
of
neem
and
the
copyrighting
of
the
use
of
the
name
Basmati.
American
companies
like
Monsanto
and
Cargill
are
already
in
business
in
India
in
seeds
and
running
research
farms.
The
pressure
to
dilute
land
ceiling
laws
originates
from
the
entry
of
these
agri-business
firms.
The
US
is
the
prime
mover
in
the
WTO
to
include
social
and
environmental
clauses.
This
will
mean
that
minimum
labour
standards
will
have
to
be
met
otherwise
goods
from
those
countries
will
attract
sanctions
in
the
form
of
import
barriers.
This
is
a
form
of
protectionism
of
the
interests
of
the
rich
countries
and
is
not
motivated
by
any
genuine
concern
for
the
conditions
of
workers
in
third
world
countries.
Web
of
Bribery
and
The
US
corporations
will
not
come
to
India
merely
to
do
business.
They
will
make
it
their
business
to
influence
and
interfere
in
the
government
and
politics
of
the
country.
The
notorious
role
of
how
these
corporations
bribe
and
suborn
politicians
of
the
ruling
classes
is
well
documented
in
the
Lockheed
Corporation's
bribery
of
top
Japanese
politicians.
More
sinister
was
their
role
in
Chile
in
toppling
the
Allende
government
in
1973.
Commenting
on
President
Nixon's
order
in
1970
to
the
then
CIA
Director
Helms
to
prevent
Allende
taking
office,
Bob
Woodward
the
US
journalist,
comments:
"The
key
to
the
order
was
Nixon's
relationship
to
Donald
Kendall,
chairman
and
chief
executive
officer
of
Pepsico
which
had
a
Pepsi-Cola
bottling
plant
in
Chile…..The
anti-Allende
operation
was
essentially
a
business
decision;
Kendall
and
other
US
firms
didn't
want
a
Marxist
leader
in
Chile."
(Bob
Woodward,
VEIL:
the
Secret
Wars
of
the
CIA,
1981-87)
Whether
it
be
the
Enron
Corp
(one
of
its
directors
is
the
ex-US
ambassador
to
India,
Frank
Wisner)
or,
the
Betchel
Corporation,
US
big
business
is
interlocked
with
the
State,
military
and
the
CIA.
An
example
of
how
American
corporations
operate
to
corrupt
the
governments
and
ruling
establishments
is
offered
by
the
Enron
operations
in
India.
According
to
one
of
its
executives,
Linda
Powers,
who
testified
before
the
US
Senate,
the
Enron
spent
$
20
million
for
"educational
expenses"
to
facilitate
the
agreement
to
set
up
the
Dabhol
plant.
This
small
investment
in
"educational
expenses"
is
paying
rich
dividends.
For
each
paisa
of
excess
tariff
charged
by
Enron
for
the
Dabhol
power,
it
earns
an
extra
amounting
to
Rs.
5.5
crores
per
year
for
Phase
I,
going
upto
Rs
18
crores
per
year
for
Phase
II.
According
to
Vivek
Montiero,
the
illegal
earnings
by
Enron
in
Phase
I,
it
will
go
upto
Rs
800
crores
per
year
and
go
upto
Rs
2000
plus
crores
after
Phase
II
is
commissioned.
The
BJP
reared
on
virulent
anti-Communism
has
no
qualms
about
open
identification
with
the
US
ideological
interests.
That
is
why
the
BJP-led
government
has
taken
a
brazen
and
shocking
decision
to
join
the
"Community
of
Democracies"
sponsored
by
the
State
Department
of
the
USA.
This
announcement
was
made
after
Jaswant
Singh
met
Madeleine
Albright
in
Singapore
in
July
1998.
The
Vajpayee
government
has
now
joined
the
select
group
of
US
client
states
from
Latin
America
and
Eastern
Europe
to
sing
the
praises
of
the
American
version
of
"democracy"
and
"free
markets".
India
is
to
be
one
of
the
eleven
core
members
of
this
community.
During
the
recent
visit
of
the
Indian
Foreign
Secretary
to
Washington
in
February
in
preparation
for
the
Clinton
visit,
the
proposed
meeting
of
the
Community
of
Democracies
to
be
held
in
Poland
in
June
this
year
was
discussed.
This
platform
was
first
mooted
by
the
US
in
Latin
America
so
that
the
goals
of
US
business
and
free
market
interests
could
be
inculcated
and
consolidated
in
the
"backyard"
of
the
USA.
For
the
US,
the
BJP
seems
an
ideal
partner
in
this
ideological
venture.
But
the
Indian
people
have
been
given
no
information
by
the
government.
The
hush-hush
manner
in
which
the
BJP-led
government
has
been
drawn
into
this
dubious
American
game
needs
a
full
explanation
from
the
Foreign
Minister.
V
No
to
Clinton's
Clinton
will
bring
his
own
agenda
for
India,
an
agenda
which
is
shaped
by
the
interests
of
American
big
business
and
the
ruling
establishment.
He
will
demand
that
India
sign
the
CTBT,
stop
development
of
missile
technology,
discuss
Kashmir
with
Pakistan
under
US
auspices,
open
up
further
for
American
companies
and
liberalise
imports
for
American
goods.
He
will
press
that
India
accept
more
stringent
provisions
under
the
WTO
regime,
including
labour
and
environmental
standards.
He
will
offer
closer
military
and
security
collaboration.
Any
concessions
offered
will
be
subject
to
the
Vajpayee
government
accepting
the
role
of
a
junior
partner
in
a
strategic
alliance.
Vajpayee
has
no
right
to
barter
away
the
country's
interests.
There
can
be
no
strategic
partnership
with
the
United
States
on
these
terms.
President
Clinton
must
be
firmly
told
that
his
agenda
is
not
acceptable
and
he
is
not
welcome
to
come
to
push
this
agenda.
President
Clinton
must
get
this
message
loud
and
clear
when
he
comes
to
India:
the
Indian
people
are
not
prepared
to
surrender
their
hard-won
independence
and
sovereignty.
India
is
determined
to
develop
its
economic,
scientific
and
technological
resources
without
being
dictated
to
by
the
United
States
and
other
imperialist
powers.
Friendship
and
cooperation
with
the
USA
can
only
be
on
the
basis
of
equality
and
mutual
and
reciprocal
interests.
There
can
be
no
relations
of
dominance
and
subservience
of
superpower
arrogance
and
interference
in
India's
internal
affairs.
The
anti-imperialist
charter
of
the
Indian
people
must
be
the
basis
for
a
powerful
manifestation
of
India's
patriotic
sentiments.
Clinton
has
to
be
told:
India
is
not
for
the
sale!
The
people
of
India
present
the
following
anti-imperialist
charter
to
Clinton
on
his
visit:-
v
The
US
administration
should
immediately
withdraw
all
sanctions
against
India;
restrictions
on
dual-purpose
technology
being
exported
to
India
should
be
lifted
forthwith.
v
The
US
should
stop
using
the
IMF,
World
Bank
and
the
WTO
for
its
selfish
interests
in
favour
of
its
multinational
corporations
and
banks.
v
The
US
should
stop
coercing
India
to
liberalise
imports
particularly
in
the
agricultural
sector.
The
agreement
with
the
US
government
to
lift
all
quantitative
restrictions
on
imports
by
April
2001
should
be
annulled.
v
The
US
should
immediately
lift
all
curbs
on
the
legitimate
flow
of
skilled
Indian
personnel
and
professionals
to
the
US.
v
The
US
government
should
stop
efforts
to
block
compulsory
licensing
of
essential
drugs
in
developing
countries
which
will
affect
the
Indian
people
badly.
v
The
US
should
stop
demanding
that
the
WTO
make
the
TRIPS
and
TRIMS
agreement
more
stringent
which
will
work
against
India
and
the
third
world.
The
US
and
the
rich
countries
should
stop
pressurising
for
a
multilateral
agreement
on
investments
(MAI)
which
would
prohibit
all
regulations
on
foreign
investments
in
any
country.
v
The
US
agri-business
corporations
like
Monsanto,
Cargill
and
others
should
be
prohibited
from
buying/leasing
land
in
India
for
their
operations.
v
Immediately
cancel
all
counter-guarantees
to
Enron
and
other
MNCs
in
the
power
sector.
v
Prohibit
the
sale
of
shares
of
public
sector
units
to
foreign
companies
and
foreign
financial
institutions.
v
The
US
should
stop
pressurising
India
to
sign
the
CTBT
and
instead
commit
to
complete
nuclear
disarmament
and
adopt
a
timeframe
alongwith
other
nuclear
weapon
powers
for
the
elimination
of
all
existing
nuclear
stockpiles.
v
The
Indo-US
military
cooperation
agreement
signed
in
1995
should
be
scrapped.
The
Vajpayee
government
should
not
accept
any
programme
under
the
American
International
Military
Exchange
Programme.
v
The
US
should
remove
all
nuclear
weapons
from
Diego
Garcia
and
close
down
its
military
base
there.
The
Diego
Garcia
is
an
island
in
the
Indian
Ocean
which
is
within
striking
range
of
India.
v
The
US
should
stop
interfering
in
the
Kashmir
issue.
It
is
a
bilateral
issue
between
India
and
Pakistan.
v
The
Federal
Bureau
of
Investigation,
which
is
the
internal
security
organisation
of
the
US,
should
not
be
allowed
to
open
its
office
in
India
as
contemplated
by
the
Vajpayee
government.
v
The
US
should
stop
the
blockade
of
Cuba
and
lift
all
embargoes
on
trade,
economic
relations
and
travel.
v
The
US
should
stop
using
the
United
Nations
for
continuing
with
sanctions
on
Iraq.
It
should
respect
Iraq's
territorial
integrity
and
withdraw
all
aggressive
measures.
v
The
US-led
NATO
should
get
out
of
Kosovo
and
let
the
UN
negotiate
the
issue
with
the
Federal
Republic
of
Yugoslavia
v
The
US
should
come
out
with
a
solemn
pledge
that
it
will
not
violate
the
sovereignty
of
any
country,
contravening
international
laws
and
norms
on
the
pretext
of
human
rights
or
countering
terrorism.
The
new
NATO
doctrine
advocating
global
intervention
should
be
rescinded.