The
Marxist
Volume: 13, No. 01
Jan-March 1996
Importance of Dutt Bradley Document
Harkishan
Singh
Surjeet
Though
addressed
to
all
the
anti-imperialist
forces
and
particularly
to
the
Left
inside
the
national
liberation
movement,
in
the
form
of
fraternal
advice,
it
was
meant
to
make
necessary
correction
to
put
the
Communist
Party
of
India
on
right
rails.
The
Communist
Party
of
Great
Britain
had
been
playing
an
important
role
in
the
development
of
the
working
class
movement
and
the
Communist
Party
in
our
country
since
the
days
of
its
formation
in
1920,
vehemently
supporting
the
cause
of
complete
independence
from
British
imperialism.
It
sent
many
comrades
to
work
in
the
trade
union
movement
and
three
of
them
were
also
implicated
in
the
Meerut
Conspiracy
Case,
which
was
aimed
at
suppressing
the
communist
movement
in
the
country.
The
role
of
both
Rajni
Palme
Dutt
and
Ben
Bradley
was
very
significant
in
this
context.
In
fact
Rajni
Palme
Dutt
had
undertaken
a
deep
study
of
the
economic
structure
in
India
prevailing
at
that
time
and
gave
a
detailed
analysis
of
the
classes
that
are
interested
in
maintaining
British
imperialist
rule
as
well
as
the
conditions
and
role
of
the
overwhelming
majority
of
the
Indian
population
--
working
class,
peasantry,
intelligentsia,
other
sections
of
the
middle
class,
which
though
vacillating
plays
its
role
at
different
stages.
His
book
"India
Today"
has
been
a
classical
text
not
only
for
the
communists
but
for
all
progressive
forces
in
India.
To
understand
the
significance
of
the
document
being
published
here,
one
has
to
take
a
look
at
the
background
in
which
it
was
written.
The
Communist
Party
of
India
was
formed
in
Tashkent
in
1920.
It
began
addressing
appeals
to
the
Indian
National
Congress
emphasising
on
the
objective
of
complete
independence
from
British
rule.
This
was
a
big
contribution
the
communists
had
made,
as
untill
the
Lahore
session
of
the
Congress,
the
Congress
had
always
demanded
dominion
status.
While
raising
the
demand
for
complete
independence,
however,
the
Communist
Party,
rather
than
taking
note
of
the
growing
upsurge
among
the
people,
which
the
Congress
Party
was
trying
to
channelise,
was
remaining
aloof
from
the
national
movement
headed
by
the
Congress
and
was
emphasising
on
demarcating
itself
from
the
bourgeoisie
which
perhaps
to
an
extent
was
necessary
in
the
initial
stages
ut
with
the
masses
coming
into
action
it
was
not
correct
to
take
a
negative
attitude.
However,
in
the
absence
of
a
centralised
leadership,
communist
groups
in
Bombay
and
Punjab
continued
to
participate
in
the
Congress
led
national
movement.
With
the
rise
of
fascist
tendencies
in
the
background
of
developing
capitalist
crisis,
communist
parties
in
various
countries
had
started
raising
the
question
of
united
front
of
the
working
class,
making
direct
appeal
to
the
workers
and
social
democratic
forces.
But
this
was
mainly
confined
to
West
European
countries.
Even
in
the
colonial
and
semi-colonial
countries
initial
efforts
were
made
to
unite
with
the
national
bourgeoisie
fighting
against
imperialism
has
happened
in
China
in
the
form
of
the
cooperation
between
the
Communists
and
the
Kuomintang.
But
with
the
betrayal
of
Chiang-ke-shek
forces
and
certain
other
developments
in
various
other
countries,
when
the
6th
Congress
of
the
Communist
International
met
in
1928
and
adopted
the
Colonial
Thesis.
With
regard
to
India,
the
Colonial
Thesis
states
:
"In
India
the
policy
of
British
imperialism,
which
used
to
retard
the
development
of
native
industry,
evoked
great
dissatisfaction
among
the
Indian
bourgeoisie.
The
class
consolidation
of
the
latter
which
replaced
its
former
division
into
religious
sects
and
castes,
and
which
was
expressed
in
the
fusion
f
the
Indian
National
Congress
(organisation
of
the
bourgeoisie)
with
the
Muslim
League
effected
in
1916,
confronted
British
imperialists
with
a
national
united
front
in
the
country.
Fear
of
the
revolutionary
movement
during
the
war
compelled
British
imperialism
to
make
concessions
to
the
native
bourgeoisie
which
found
expression
in
the
economic
sphere,
in
insignificant
parliamentary
reforms
introduced
in
1919".
It
points
out
that
the
first
great
anti-imperialist
movement
in
India
was
the
first
non-cooperation
movement
of
1919-22,
which
it
states
"ended
in
the
betrayal
of
the
cause
of
the
national
revolution
by
the
Indian
bourgeoisie".
Further,
the
Colonial
thesis
points
out
that
the
attitude
of
the
national
bourgeoisie
towards
imperialism
is
not
the
same
everywhere.
"They
do
not
adopt
a
uniform
attitude
in
relation
to
imperialism".
While
there
are
comprador
bourgeoisie
that
directly
serve
the
interests
of
imperialist
capital,
the
"remaining
portions
of
the
native
bourgeoisie,
especially
the
portions
reflecting
the
interests
of
native
industry,
support
the
national
movement
an
represent
a
special
vacillating
compromising
tendency
which
may
be
designated
as
National
Reformism".
It
further
states
that
"In
India
and
Egypt
we
still
observe,
for
the
time
being,
the
typical
bourgeois-nationalist
movement
--
an
opportunist
movement
subject
to
great
vacillations,
balancing
between
imperialism
and
revolution."
Analysing
thus,
it
concludes
that
to
emancipate
the
working
class
and
the
toiling
people
from
the
influence
of
bourgeois
parties,
"it
is
necessary
to
reject
the
formation
of
any
kind
of
bloc
between
the
Communist
Party
and
the
national
reformist
opposition",
though
subsequently
it
was
realised
that
this
understanding
of
the
6th
Congress
of
the
Comintern,
as
was
stated
later
"bore
a
definite
shade
of
sectarianism".
Subsequently,
11th
plenum
of
the
E.C.C.I
in
1931
nailed
down
the
policy
of
right
reformist
leaders
of
the
social
democracy
during
the
world
economic
crisis.
It
also
showed
that
social
democracy
did
everything
in
its
power
to
counter
the
development
of
the
workers
revolutionary
struggle.
It
was
for
this
very
reason
that
discontent
began
growing
amongst
the
rank
and
file
against
the
line
which
the
leaders
pursued,
the
Left
groups
alone
demanding
a
more
acute
struggle
against
fascism.
The
11th
Plenum
of
the
E.C.C.I
stated
that
the
entire
development
of
social
democracy
"is
an
uninterrupted
process
of
evolution
towards
fascism"
and
that
this
line
was
an
obstacle
in
the
way
of
rallying
all
the
anti-fascist
forces.
At
the
same
time,
the
experience
of
the
Communist
parties
was
asserting
itself
in
different
forms.
Communist
Party
of
India,
in
those
days
was
not
able
to
organise
any
centre.
The
main
leadership
was
behind
bars
accused
in
the
Meerut
conspiracy
case.
The
bold
statements
made
by
them
before
the
court,
popularized
he
ideas
of
socialism
and
communism.
In
fact
untill
1933
the
communist
movement
was
virtually
deprived
of
an
all
India
Centre.
In
1933,
a
new
central
committee
was
elected
which
took
over
the
leadership
of
the
Party
on
a
national
plane.
The
Party
also
joined
the
Comintern
in
1933.
Under
the
impact
of
these
policies,
the
Communist
parties
in
the
countries
of
the
East,
while
carrying
on
their
struggle
came
forward
with
radical
programmes.
Basing
themselves
on
exaggerated
evaluations
of
the
readiness
of
the
masses
for
a
democratic
revolution,
they
gave
the
slogan
of
workers
and
peasants
government,
which
was
considered
to
be
the
beginning
of
the
development
of
socialist
revolution.
The
draft
platform
of
the
Communist
Party
of
India
demanded
the
"establishment
of
a
Soviet
government",
the
"creation
of
an
Indian
Federal
Workers'
an
Peasants'
Soviet
Republic",
while
rejecting
the
possibility
of
the
participation
of
the
national
bourgeoisie
in
the
anti-imperialist
struggle.
This
was
a
period
when
faced
with
the
rise
of
fascist
forces
in
Germany
and
other
countries
the
demand
was
being
raised
for
the
formation
of
popular
front
against
fascism
and
appeals
were
made
to
the
working
class
and
other
forces
of
social
democracy
to
join
hands.
The
French
and
German
Communist
parties
had
taken
initiative
in
this
direction.
In
India,
though
the
platform
of
action
contained
the
sectarian
approach,
practically
after
the
withdrawal
of
the
civil
disobedience
movement
discontent
was
growing
among
the
Left
inside
the
Congress
and
the
Congress
Socialist
Party
came
into
existence
in
1935
and
in
many
places
communists
in
tune
with
the
mass
mood
started
working
inside
the
Congress.
It
was
during
this
period
that
the
All
India
Kisan
Sabha,
the
All
India
Trade
Union
Congress
and
the
All
India
Students
Federation
were
formed.
Communists
and
socialists
had
gained
considerable
influence
and
they
were
also
working
inside
the
Congress,
though
they
were
yet
to
come
forward
with
a
clear
cut
analysis
of
the
political
situation
prevailing
then
and
the
class
alliance
to
be
built
for
achieving
the
goal
of
complete
independence
and
the
importance
of
various
means
to
mobilise
the
people.
It
was
against
this
background
when
the
Congress
decided
on
the
Constitution
in
1935
which
had
very
limited
powers
that
this
thesis
came.
It
emphasised
on
the
role
of
the
Congress
party
in
the
national
liberation
struggle
though
it
had
given
up
for
the
time
being
the
attempt
to
direct
the
struggle.
This
document,
highlights
the
need
for
unity
in
the
struggle
against
imperialism.
It
correctly
analysed
the
two
wings
working
inside
the
Congress
at
that
time
--
Babu
Rajendra
Prasad
advocates
unity
with
the
moderate
who
are
outside
the
Congress,
with
"the
friends
and
allies
of
the
British
rulers,
whose
programme
is
one
of
cooperation
with
imperialism
and
entry
into
office
in
order
to
assist
the
slave
constitution
to
function
successfully."
The
document
states
that
unity
in
the
struggle
against
imperialism
cannot
be
an
abstract
one
involving
the
entire
Indian
population.
It
points
out
that
certain
"sections
have
their
interest
bound
up
with
imperialism,
e.g.
the
princes,
landlords,
moneylenders,
reactionary
religious
and
political
elements
which
live
on
exploiting
communal
differences,
elements
among
the
merchants
and
wealthy
classes
who
favour
cooperation
with
imperialism
etc."
It
calls
for
taking
into
account
these
realities
the
class
structure
and
for
uniting
the
overwhelming
majority
of
the
population
against
imperialism.
Keeping
this
in
view,
it
advanced
the
common
platform
for
such
unity
:
i)
"a
line
of
consistent
struggle
against
imperialism,
and
against
the
existing
slave
constitution,
for
the
complete
independence
of
India;"
ii)
"active
struggle
for
the
vital
needs
of
the
toiling
masses."
This
was
characterised
as
United
Anti-Imperialist
Front
for
the
struggle
against
imperialism.
It
details
the
role
of
the
Indian
National
Congress
and
states
that
the
Indian
National
Congress
can
play
a
great
part
and
a
"foremost
part
in
the
work
of
realising
the
Anti-Imperialist
People's
Front",
while
at
the
same
time
pointing
out
that
"as
it
exists
at
present,
is
not
yet
the
united
front
of
the
Indian
people
in
the
national
struggle"
as
its
constitution
leaves
out
the
broadest
sections
of
the
masses.
It
points
out
that
the
programme
of
the
Congress
does
not
clearly
express
the
programme
of
the
national
struggle
and
that
"It
does
not
at
present
draw
out
and
guide
mass
activity,
but
rather
acts
as
a
brake
upon
it."
To
make
the
anti-imperialist
front
effective
and
broad
based
drawing
in
the
overwhelming
majority
of
the
people,
it
calls
for
combining
the
struggles
of
the
mass
organisations
of
the
workers,
peasants
and
other
such
organisations
and
the
Congress.
While
stating
that
a
clear
cut
programme
of
complete
independence
has
to
be
there,
it
criticises
the
tactics
of
"non-violence"
as
a
dogma
being
at
variance
with
ground
realities.
It
also
points
out
to
the
ideological
struggle
that
has
to
be
carried
on
simultaneously
and
for
the
consolidation
of
the
unity
of
Left
in
the
Congress,
while
at
the
same
time
not
forgetting
the
leading
role
to
be
achieved
by
the
Party
in
the
struggle
for
the
united
front.
This
document
played
a
very
important
part
in
the
working
out
of
the
strategy
and
tactics
of
the
struggle
for
independence
at
that
stage.
The
Communist
Party
working
on
the
basis
of
this
document
came
to
the
forefront
of
the
national
struggle,
influencing
it.
The
resolutions
adopted
at
the
subsequent
Congress
sessions
vindicates
this
position.
Many
Congress
committees
came
into
the
hands
of
the
communists,
contributing
to
radicalising
the
whole
movement.
This
document
had
played
a
big
role
in
giving
a
correct
orientation
to
the
Communist
movement
in
India
enabling
it
to
radicalising
the
Congress
led
movement
as
well
as
in
developing
independent
class
organisations
of
the
peasantry
and
other
sections
of
the
toiling
masses.