The
Marxist
Volume: 15, No. 04
Oct.-Dec. 1999
THE
INVALUABLE
LESSONS
OF
THE
CHINESE
REVOLUTION
Harkishan
Singh
Surjeet
The Chinese revolution was the most significant event of the post world war period. The October Revolution of 1917 in Russia heralded a new era in the history of human society. The unparalleled crisis of capitalism during inter-war years and the inter-imperialist contradictions sparked off the Second World War. Its conclusion weakened imperialism and marked the beginning of a new phase when people's democratic revolutions and socialist revolutions emerged victorious in a number of countries in Europe and Asia. These resulted in the disintegration of colonialism. The Chinese Revolution is the landmark event of this stage. Despite the cold war started by USA, the anti imperialist position of the newly liberated counties as well as the firm position coupled with the defence capability of world socialism prevented imperialist forces from initiating war and ensured world peace. However, with the setback to socialism in recent years the world balance of forces has shifted, for the present, in favour of imperialism. It is in this backdrop of contemporary history that the glorious conduct of the Chinese Revolution and its existence of 50 years is to be celebrated.
In
historical
terms
it
can
be
characterised
as
the
third
significant
event,
after
the
October
revolution
and
the
victory
over
fascism.
After
the
defeat
of
fascism,
socialist
revolutions
took
place
in
many
East
European
countries.
But
they
succeeded
in
the
background
of
the
victory
over
fascism
with
the
Red
Army
playing
an
important
role
in
defence
of
these
revolutions.
But,
as
we
shall
see,
the
course
of
the
Chinese
Revolution
was
very
distinct.
That
is
why
the
impact
of
the
Chinese
revolution
was
immense
on
the
people
fighting
for
national
liberation
and
social
progress.
It
provided
a
new
impetus
to
the
national
liberation
struggles
around
the
world
generally
and
particularly
the
socialist
and
the
communist
movements
in
the
third
world
countries.
China
was
a
semi-colonial
country
with
the
largest
population
in
the
world.
It
was
a
country
predominated
by
semi-feudal
and
feudal
relations
coupled
with
very
little
industrial
development.
As
a
result
the
working
class
was
numerically
small
in
numbers.
Marx
and
Engels
had
visualised
the
socialist
revolution
to
take
place
in
the
developed
capitalist
countries
as
a
natural
corollary
of
the
development
of
capitalism
leading
to
the
contradictions
between
the
working
class
and
the
bourgeoisie.
Explaining
the
reasons
for
the
setbacks
suffered
by
the
West
European
proletariat,
Lenin
wrote
"In
the
earlier
period
of
the
revolution
many
entertained
the
hope
that
the
socialist
revolution
would
begin
in
Western
Europe
immediately
after
the
imperialist
war
ended.
At
that
time
when
the
masses
were
armed
there
could
have
been
a
successful
revolution
in
some
of
the
Western
countries
as
well.
It
could
have
taken
place,
had
it
not
been
for
the
split
within
the
proletariat
of
Western
Europe
being
deeper
and
the
treachery
of
the
former
socialist
leaders
greater
than
had
been
imagined."
It
is
in
this
context
that
the
bourgeoisie,
with
the
help
of
the
reformist
leaders
of
socialist
democracy
succeeded
in
repelling
the
first
revolutionary
onset
of
the
proletariat
in
the
West.
But
Lenin,
analysing
the
development
of
capitalism
in
the
world,
had
come
to
the
conclusion
that
it
had
reached
a
stage
of
imperialism,
the
highest
stage
in
the
development
of
capitalism.
He
argued
that
in
the
imperialist
stage
the
contradictions
other
than
capital
and
working
class
such
as
between
the
people
of
colonial
and
semi-colonial
countries
and
imperialism
as
well
as
between
imperialist
powers
could
become
the
focal
points.
It
was
on
this
basis
that
he
was
able
to
organise
revolution
successfully
in
Russia,
a
country,
which
remained
for
backward
compared
to
the
West.
The
success
of
the
October
Revolution
in
Russia
had
a
big
impact
on
other
countries.
It
became
a
source
of
inspiration
for
the
working
class
movement
around
the
world
as
well
as
the
people
fighting
for
national
liberation
from
colonial
or
semi-colonial
domination.
It
is
on
the
basis
of
this
understanding
that
Lenin
came
to
the
conclusion
that
in
the
present
stage
of
development
of
capitalism,
it
is
not
necessary
that
socialist
revolution
confines
to
the
advanced
capitalist
countries.
It
can
emerge
in
other
countries
also
(including
colonial
ones)
where
the
imperialist
chain
remained
the
weakest.
After
the
Russian
revolution,
when
Lenin
was
asked,
where
he
visualised
revolution
to
succeed,
he
said
that
it
could
be
in
China
or
it
could
be
in
India.
There
was
no
Communist
Party
at
that
time
in
both
these
countries.
His
inference
was
based
upon
the
analysis
of
the
objective
situation
obtaining
in
these
countries
and
the
emerging
trends.
In
the
case
of
India,
in
1908
textile
workers
of
Bombay
organised
a
political
strike
in
protest
against
the
arrest
of
Bal
Gangadhar
Tilak.
In
China
the
fourth
May
Movement
had
begun
in
Shanghai.
But
Lenin
also
made
it
clear
that
every
revolution
cannot
take
the
same
course.
Blind
imitation
of
Bolshevik
tactics
in
different
countries
without
regard
for
specific
local
conditions
is
liable
to
cause
serious
damage
to
the
cause
of
developing
the
world
proletarian
revolution.
According
to
Lenin,
"The
unity
of
the
international
tactics
in
the
communist-workers
movement
in
all
countries
called
not
for
the
elimination
of
diversity,
not
for
the
effacement
of
national
distinction
but
of
such
an
application
of
the
basic
principles
of
communism
as
very
correctly
modified
these
principles
in
certain
practices,
correctly
adopted
and
applied
them
to
national
and
national
state
distinctions.”
These
conclusions
were
an
elaboration
of
Lenin's
thesis
formulated
back
in
1916:
"All
nations
will
arrive
at
socialism
-
this
is
inevitable,
but
all
will
do
so
not
exactly
the
same
way,
each
will
contribute
of
its
own
to
some
form
of
democracy
to
some
variety
of
the
dictatorship
of
the
proletariat
to
the
fiery
road
of
socialist
transformation
in
different
aspects
of
socialist
life.”
Under
the
impact
of
the
October
Revolution,
ideas
of
Communism
began
to
spread
in
the
colonial
countries.
Communist
groups
began
to
emerge.
Until
then
Communist
movement
was
confined
mainly
to
European
countries.
This
aspect
becomes
very
clear
when
one
looks
at
the
representation
of
various
delegations
to
the
conference
of
the
communist
international.
The
first
Congress
was
attended
only
by
the
Social
Democratic
Parties
of
Europe
that
had
disagreed
with
the
decision
of
the
Basal
conference
for
participating
in
the
war
efforts
and
supporting
the
bourgeoisie
of
their
own
countries.
It
was
only
subsequently
that
the
message
began
to
spread
to
the
colonial
and
semi-colonial
countries.
China,
a
country,
which
had
been
one
of
the
cradles
of
human
civilisation,
had
stagnated
and
degenerated
under
autocratic
feudal
monarchies.
So
it
fell
an
easy
prey
to
the
European
colonisers.
In
1840
Britain
launched
the
aggressive
Opium
War.
From
then
onwards,
imperialist
forces
made
continuous
inroads
into
China.
They
forced
China
to
cede
territories
like
Hongkong,
pay
indemnities,
open
Chinese
ports
for
foreign
trade
and
forced
on
them
many
unequal
treaties.
United
States
and
then
France
came
in
the
wake
of
Britain;
both
exacting
further
rights
and
privileges.
After
its
defeat
in
the
Opium
Wars,
China
began
to
acquire
the
characteristics
of
a
semi-colonial
country.
The
opening
of
the
Suez
Canal
in
1869
shortened
the
route
for
trade
and
military
transport
between
the
Europe
and
China.
By
the
time
of
the
Sino-Japanese
War
of
1894-95,
world
capitalism
was
advancing
rapidly
to
the
stage
of
imperialism,
a
phenomenon
brilliantly
noted
by
Comrade
Lenin.
From
1895
onwards
the
imperialist
powers
were
engaged
in
a
scramble
for
spheres
of
influence
and
bases
of
operation.
As
Lenin
said,
"…
the
European
governments
have
already
started
to
partition
China.
However
they
have
not
begun
this
partitioning
openly,
but
stealthily,
like
thieves.
They
began
to
rob
China
as
ghouls
rob
corpses…"
With
the
emergence
of
certain
modern
industries,
the
bourgeoisie
and
the
proletariat
came
into
existence
in
China.
But
the
development
of
capitalism
was
severely
constrained
by
the
imperialist
domination.
The
persistence
of
feudal
relations
and
continuation
of
feudal
reactionary
forces
intact
suited
the
interests
of
imperialism.
As
a
result,
the
disintegration
of
the
feudal
society
did
not
lead
to
the
establishment
of
an
independent
capitalist
society,
but
instead,
China
got
transformed
the
Chinese
society
into
a
semi-colonial
and
semi-feudal
Society.
At
the
time
of
the
October
Revolution
in
Russia,
Communist
ideology
was
unknown
in
China.
Bourgeois
ideas
of
reform,
which
had
gained
ground
especially
in
Shanghai
and
Canton,
found
concrete
expression
in
the
demands
for
political
reform.
The
bourgeois
revolutionary
movements
began
to
gradually
spread
and
took
the
form
of
a
social
upheaval
in
1911
under
the
leadership
of
Dr.Sun
Yat-sen.
He
advocated
the
equalisation
of
land
ownership.
Such
a
land
distribution
would
emancipate
the
peasantry
from
feudal
oppression
and
at
the
same
time
prevent
the
rise
of
exploitative
capitalism.
Lenin
compared
the
principles
of
Dr.Sun
with
the
Narodism
in
Russia,
and
showed
that
his
programme,
despite
its
limitations,
was
linked
with
the
idea
of
thorough
-
going
democratic
revolution.
Complete
implementation
of
Dr.Sun's
economic
programme,
Lenin
explained,
would
actually
clear
the
way
for
capitalism.
Despite
its
failure,
the
bourgeois
revolution
of
1911
was
of
profound
historical
significance.
In
the
first
place,
it
overthrew
the
Qing
Dynasty,
a
rule
of
nearly
three
hundred
years
and
made
the
restoration
of
the
more
than
2,000-year-old
feudal
monarchical
system
impossible.
This
was
of
great
importance
in
the
further
awakening
of
the
Chinese
people.
International
powers
were
upset
by
the
disturbances
which
followed
the
China
1911
Revolution.
It
was
only
when
Yuan
Shikai
assumed
power
that
they
felt
reassured.
The
1911
Revolution
clearly
revealed
the
weak
and
compromising
character
of
the
Chinese
bourgeoisie.
The
bourgeois
revolutionary
leaders
failed
to
gauge
the
anti-imperialist
and
anti-feudal
mood
of
the
people.
They
were
incapable
of
mobilising
the
real
strength
of
the
democratic
revolution
-
the
peasantry.
They
were
unable
to
defy
the
imperialists
to
overcome
the
counter
attack
of
the
feudal
forces,
and
eventually
succumbed
to
the
pressure
of
imperialist
influence
and
brought
the
revolution
to
an
end.
After
the
defeat
of
the
1911
Revolution,
a
large
section
of
the
bourgeoisie
were
willing
to
throw
their
lot
with
the
feudal
warlords
in
order
to
share
the
booty.
Another
section,
led
by
Dr.Sun
Yat-sen,
refused
to
compromise
with
the
feudal
warlords,
but
were
at
loss
to
find
a
way
to
advance
the
revolution,
not
knowing
where
they
could
find
the
necessary
strength
for
the
salvation
in
China.
Workers,
peasants
and
the
petty
bourgeoisie
of
the
towns
and
cities
continued
to
suffer
and
groan
under
the
ruthless
oppression
of
imperialism
and
feudalism.
The
intellectuals
groped
painfully
in
the
dark.
World
War
I
forced
the
Western
imperialist
powers
to
relax
their
aggressive
activities
in
China
to
some
extent.
But
the
Japanese
imperialists
took
advantage
of
this
opportunity
to
expand
their
influence
over
China.
The
Peace
Treaty
signed
at
Versailles
after
the
First
World
War
decided
that
Japan
should
take
over
all
the
special
"rights"
previously
seized
by
Germany.
This
aroused
the
indignation
of
the
Chinese
people.
They
proclaimed
their
determination
to
fight
to
the
last
against
Japanese
occupation
of
China's
territory
and
demanded
the
punishment
of
three
pro-Japanese
traitors
in
the
feudal
warlord
government.
The
reactionary
government
was
forced
on
June
28
to
refuse
to
sign
the
Versailles
Peace
Treaty.
This
forthright
anti-imperialist
and
anti-feudal
spirit
symbolised
by
May
4th
Movement
opened
a
new
chapter
in
the
history
of
the
Chinese
democratic
revolution.
At
the
same
time
as
this
patriotic
anti-imperialist
movement
was
developing,
the
more
advanced
Chinese
intellectuals
launched
a
new
cultural
movement
which
was
directed
against
feudal
culture.
Prior
to
the
October
Socialist
Revolution
of
Russia,
the
new
cultural
movement
in
China
had
mainly
confined
itself
to
the
dissemination
of
bourgeois
democratic
ideas.
With
the
victory
of
the
October
Revolution
a
flood
of
socialist
ideas
flowed
into
China.
A
number
of
Chinese
revolutionary
intellectuals,
represented
by
Li
Dazhao
(one
of
the
founders
of
the
Communist
Party
of
China,
who
was
put
to
death
by
the
warlord
Zhang
Zuolin
in
April
1927),
Chen
Duxiu
(one
of
the
founders
of
the
Party
who
later
became
a
liquidationist),
Mao
Zedong
and
Zhou
Enlai
hailed
the
victory
of
the
October
Revolution.
They
pledged
their
faith
in
communism
and
became
the
first
Chinese
intellectuals
to
arm
themselves
with
the
ideas
of
communism.
The
new
cultural
movement
in
China,
after
coming
under
the
influence
of
the
October
Revolution,
was
primarily
concerned
with
the
dissemination
of
socialist
ideas.
The
Communist
International
took
keen
interest
in
developing
the
communist
movement
in
the
colonial
and
semi-colonial
countries.
Following
the
Second
Congress
of
the
Communist
International,
a
political
conference
of
people
from
colonial
countries
was
held
in
Baku,
Russia
in
September
1920.
This
conference
was
represented
by
1891
delegates.
A
council
of
47
members
was
set
up
and
a
broad
call
to
the
people
of
the
east
was
issued.
Further
the
Eastern
University
of
Toilers
was
established
in
Moscow
to
strengthen
the
movement
in
the
colonial
countries
in
1921,
which
trained
thousands
of
political
leaders
to
work
with
the
colonial
people.
Again
in
June
1922
the
first
Congress
of
the
toilers
of
the
east
was
held
in
Moscow.
This
helped
the
growth
of
the
Communist
Party
in
the
colonial
countries.
In
1920
a
group
of
the
Russian
Communist
Party
(Bolsheviks)
members,
including
Visinsky
sent
by
the
Communist
International,
arrived
in
China,
with
a
task
to
establish
contact
with
Chinese
revolutionary
organizations.
While
combating
the
reactionary
bourgeois
trend
of
thought,
the
Marxists
also
combated
erroneous
ideas
that
were
connected
with
the
workers'
movement
-
revisionism
and
anarchism.
Many
revolutionary
young
people
once
influenced
by
anarchism
embraced
Marxism.
It
was
in
this
context
that
in
1921
the
First
National
Congress
of
the
Chinese
Communist
Party
was
held
in
Shanghai.
At
the
time
of
formation
of
the
part,
there
were
only
57
communists
in
the
whole
of
China.
Mao
Zedong
best
summed
up
the
class
structure
of
the
Chinese
society
in
which
the
nascent
working
class
party
started
to
function.
He
also
drew
attention
to
the
role
that
each
of
these
social
classes
could
play
in
revolution.
The
landlord
class
and
the
comprador
class
are
appendages
of
the
international
bourgeoisie
depending
on
imperialism
for
their
survival
and
growth.
This
class
represents
the
most
backward
and
the
most
reactionary
relations
in
China
and
hinders
the
development
of
productive
forces.
Their
existence
is
certainly
incompatible
with
the
aims
of
the
Chinese
revolution.
Big
landlords
and
big
comprador
class
in
particular
always
siding
with
imperialism
constitute
an
extreme
counter-revolutionary
group.
Their
political
representatives
are
the
rightwing
of
the
Kuomintang.
Next
comes
the
middle
bourgeoisie.
This
class
represents
the
capitalist
relations
of
production
in
China
in
town
and
country.
By
middle
bourgeoisie
is
meant
chiefly
the
national
bourgeoisie.
It
is
inconsistent
in
its
attitude
towards
the
Chinese
revolution.
They
felt
the
need
for
revolution
and
favour
the
revolutionary
movement
against
imperialism
and
the
warlords
when
they
are
smarting
under
the
blows
of
foreign
capital
and
the
pressure
of
the
warlords.
But
they
become
suspicious
of
revolution
when
they
sensed
that
with
the
militant
participation
of
proletariat
and
the
active
support
of
international
proletariat
the
revolution
is
threatening
the
hope
of
their
class
to
obtain
the
status
of
the
big
bourgeoisie.
Petty
bourgeoisie
includes
the
category
of
owners,
peasant,
the
most
handicraftsmen,
lower
level
of
intellectuals,
students
and
primary
and
secondary
school
teacher,
lower
government
functionaries,
office
clerks
and
small
traders.
This
class
deserves
very
close
attention.
They
are
engaged
in
small-scale
production.
Overwhelming
majority
of
the
semi-owners
peasants
constitute
a
very
large
part
of
the
rural
masses.
Peasant
problem
is
essentially
their
problem.
Finally
comes
the
proletariat,
modern
industrial
proletariat
whose
number
at
that
time
was
about
2
million.
They
were
mainly
employed
in
five
industries
–
railways,
mining,
maritime
transport,
textiles
and
ship-building.
Great
numbers
were
enslaved
in
enterprises
owned
by
the
capitalists.
Though
not
very
numerous,
industrial
proletariat
represented
China’s
new
productive
force.
This
was
the
most
progressive
class
in
modern
China
and
had
become
the
leading
force
in
the
revolutionary
movement.
Apart
from
these
classes
there
were
fairly
large
lumpen
proletariat
made
up
of
peasants
who
have
lost
their
land
and
handicraftsmen
who
cannot
get
work.
They
lead
the
most
precarious
existence
of
all.
It
is
with
this
class
analysis
that
the
Chinese
Communist
Party
started
working
out
its
strategy
and
tactics.
Chinese
Communist
Party
worked
out
skilfully
the
tactics
for
the
Chinese
revolution
in
order
to
fulfil
their
strategic
role.
The
history
of
Chinese
Revolutionary
Struggle
may
be
divided
into
four
stages:
the
Northern
Expedition
(1924-27)
conducted
with
the
co-operation
of
the
Kuomintang,
the
Agrarian
Revolutionary
War
(1927-37),
the
War
of
Resistance
against
Japan
(1937-45)
and
the
nation
wide
War
for
Liberation
(1946-49).
One
important
feature
of
the
Chinese
revolution
that
has
to
be
discussed
is
its
success
in
working
out
the
correct
tactics
of
United
Front.
From
its
inception,
the
Chinese
Communist
Party
correctly
stated
that
its
main
task
was
to
organise
the
working-class
movement
and
closely
link
working-class
with
peasant
movement.
Intensification
of
imperialist
oppression,
coupled
with
the
internecine
warfare
between
the
warlords,
made
the
life
of
the
peasants
almost
intolerable.
The
cry
for
united
action
against
imperialism
and
feudalism
grew
among
all
the
revolutionary
classes.
The
Chinese
Communist
Party
realised
that
if
the
revolution
was
to
go
forward,
a
broad-based
revolutionary
united
front
was
necessary.
It
aimed
to
assist
Dr.Sun
Yat-sen,
leader
of
the
bourgeois
revolutionary
democrats
in
the
reorganisation
of
the
Kuomintang,
and
to
allow
members
of
the
Chinese
Communist
Party
and
the
Socialist
Youth
League
to
join
the
Kuomintang,
so
that
it
could
become
a
revolutionary
united
front.
The
Kuomintang
was
formed
in
1912;
chiefly
on
the
basis
of
the
Tong
Meng
Hui
(Chinese
Revolutionary
League)
led
by
Sun
Yat-sen.
He
openly
advocated
the
principle
of
unity
with
the
Communist
Party.
In
the
First
national
congress
of
the
Kuomintang
in
Canton
he
laid
down
the
great
policies
–
alliance
with
Russia,
co-operation
with
the
Communist
Party
and
assistance
to
the
peasants
and
workers.
Many
Communist
leaders
attended
the
conference
and
played
a
very
important
part
to
help
the
Kuomintang
to
take
the
road
of
revolution.
Some
of
the
Communist
leaders
were
elected
members
and
alternative
members
of
the
Central
Executive
Committee
of
the
Kuomintang.
However, two extreme viewpoints emerged while working out the above line. One was reformism represented by Chen Duxiu, the then first secretary of the Communist Party. He was ignoring the independent role of the Party and emphasised on the work inside the Kuomintang as compared to the correct tactical line of working in unity with the bourgeois and at the same time maintaining the independence of the Communist Party. In his zeal for cooperation with Kuomintang he forgot about the peasants. As against the above line of right capitulationist deviation was Zhang Guotao, who opposed the idea that members of the Communist Party, workers or peasants should join the Kuomintang. This was the "Left" deviation or closed-door policy. He was concerned with the labour movement but ignored the peasants.
In
fact
the
Chinese
Communist
Party
in
its
application
of
Marxism-Leninism
was
a
victim
of
serious
deviations
both
of
reformist
nature
and
sectarian.
It
is
after
about
10
years
of
struggle
they
succeeded
in
overcoming
these
deviations
and
putting
the
Party
on
the
correct
path.
It
is
Mao
Zedong
who
pointed
out
that
the
peasantry
was
the
staunchest
and
numerically
the
largest
ally
of
the
Chinese
proletariat.
And
this
solved
the
problem
of
who
is
the
chief
ally
in
the
Chinese
revolution.
About
Kuomintang
also
he
made
it
clear
that
the
national
bourgeoisie
is
a
vacillation
class
and
with
the
upsurge
of
revolution
it
will
get
divided.
There
would
be
split
with
rightwing
going
to
the
side
of
imperialism.
Subsequent
events
of
1927
vindicated
this
position.
The alliance with the bourgeoisie worked well in the initial period when from 1923 to 1927 Sun Yat Sen was the leader. The formation of the revolutionary united front gave a great impetus to the revolutionary mass movement. The labour movement, which had been at a low ebb since the February 7th Massacre of 1923, revived and began to show signs of a new upsurge. The peasant movement in the Guangdong revolutionary base made rapid strides, while secret peasant associations developed in Hunan, Henan, Sichuan, Hubei, Jiangxi and other provinces.
After
Dr.Sun’s
death,
the
leadership
of
the
Kuomintang
was
taken
over
by
counter-revolutionary
elements.
Meanwhile
the
mass
revolutionary
movement
continued
to
gain
in
strength
especially
in
Shanghai.
To
resist
it,
the
Japanese
entrepreneurs
began
to
organise
murders
of
the
vanguard
workers
in
their
enterprises.
In
response
to
this
anti-imperialist
demonstrations
and
general
strike
in
which
hundred
and
thousands
of
people
took
part
was
organised
in
May
30th
1925.
This
event
is
regarded
as
the
beginning
of
the
national
liberation,
anti-imperialist
revolution.
In
the
period
following
the
May
30th
Movement
the
struggle
for
the
leadership
of
the
revolution
became
sharper
between
the
members
of
the
bourgeoisie
and
the
proletariat.
The
right
wing
of
the
national
bourgeoisie,
feared
the
growth
of
the
workers
and
peasants
movement
and
the
rise
in
the
class
struggle.
The
Chinese
Communist
Party
had
not
yet
achieved
a
proper
understanding
of
the
need
for
proletarian
leadership
of
the
revolution.
It
was
in
March
1926
that
Mao
Zedong
clarified
the
question
when
he
published
his
Analysis
of
the
Classes
in
Chinese
Society.
Because
of
right
opportunist
views
of
Chen
Duxiu,
the
then
leader
of
the
party,
the
leadership
of
the
party
failed
to
note
that
the
national
bourgeoisie
were
terrified
by
the
tremendous
advance
made
by
the
worker-class
and
peasant
movements.
So
they
ignored
the
adoption
of
precautionary
measures
to
combat
the
danger
that
was
lurking
within
the
revolutionary
camp.
It
was
this
weakness
that
facilitated
the
right-wing
leader
of
the
Kuomintang,
Chiang
Kai-shek
to
ban
Communist
Party
members
from
positions
of
leadership
in
the
various
departments
of
the
Central
Headquarters
of
the
Kuomintang.
Despite
these
drawbacks
the
revolutionary
movements
continued
to
march
forward.
It
was
at
that
time
that
the
question
of
leadership
in
the
revolution
and
its
future
development
arose.
Stalin
dealt
with
the
subject
in
his
famous
speech-
“The
Prospects
of
Revolution
in
China”,
at
the
Chinese
Commission
of
the
Seventh
Executive
Committee
of
the
Communist
International.
He
drew
attention
to
the
weaknesses
of
the
Chinese
national
bourgeoisie
and
the
serious
danger
of
imperialist
intervention
against
the
Chinese
revolution
through
the
medium
of
Chinese
counter-revolutionary
forces.
He
urged
the
Chinese
Communists
to
increase
their
vigilance.
Stalin
also
pointed
out
that
armed
struggle
was
the
principal
and
special
feature
of
the
Chinese
revolution.
He
declared
that
it
was
extremely
important
for
the
Chinese
Communists
to
have
genuine
revolutionary
troops
and
to
study
the
art
of
war.
Moreover
it
was
necessary
to
hasten
and
deepen
the
revolution
in
the
countryside,
so
as
to
satisfy
the
demands
of
the
peasants
and
strengthen
the
united
front
against
imperialism.
Stalin
also
pointed
out
that
the
proletariat
must
rise
and
control
the
leadership
in
the
revolution
and
that
the
basic
task
of
the
Chinese
Communist
Party
was
to
struggle
for
the
non-capitalist
future
of
the
Chinese
revolution.
Eventhough
a
number
of
correct
theoretical
expositions
on
the
tasks,
motive
forces
and
prospects
of
the
Chinese
revolution
was
made
by
Stalin,
the
tendency
to
overestimate
the
revolutionary
character
of
the
Kuomintang
persisted.
Chiang
Kai-shek,
the
right
wing
leader
of
the
national
bourgeoisie
launched
a
counter-revolutionary
attack
to
suppress
the
revolutionary
movement
in
the
interest
of
imperialism
and
Chinese
feudal
and
comprador
classes.
Many
Workers,
Peasants
and
communist
party
members
were
massacred.
Thus,
in
early
1927
the
First
Revolutionary
Civil
War
suffered
a
partial
defeat.
The
national
bourgeoisie
went
over
to
the
side
of
imperialism
and
the
big
landlord
and
comprador
classes,
and
withdrew
from
the
revolution.
A
counter-revolutionary
government
was
established
in
Nanjing.
The
counter-revolutionary
forces
-
the
combined
forces
of
imperialism
and
the
reactionary
clique
of
the
Kuomintang
-
-
proved
to
be
stronger
than
the
revolutionary
forces
of
the
time.
The
setback
provided
the
Chinese
working
class
and
the
Chinese
Communist
Party
with
rich
practical
experience
and
lessons,
fostered
and
steeled
a
large
number
of
Party
cadres,
who
continued
to
lead
the
revolution
forward.
The
First
Revolutionary
Civil
War
can
be
described
as
a
“dress
rehearsal”
for
the
democratic
revolution.
In
mid
–
1928,
with
the
help
of
the
Communist
International,
the
Sixth
National
Congress
of
the
Chinese
Communist
Party
was
convened
in
Moscow.
Attending
the
congress
were
142
delegates
among
whom
84
were
full
delegates
(who
had
the
right
to
vote),
representing
130,000
Party
members
across
the
country.
The
Congress
made
a
reassessment
of
the
situation
and
set
out
the
new
revolutionary
task.
But
the
formulations
of
the
Congress
did
not
adequately
take
into
consideration
the
role
of
intermediate
classes
and
the
contradictions
within
the
reactionary
forces,
the
protracted
nature
of
the
Chinese
revolution
and
the
importance
of
the
rural
revolutionary
base
areas.
Towards
the
end
of
1929,
Japan’s
seizure
of
north-east
China
caused
a
new
upsurge
in
the
people’s
movement
for
national
independence
and
democracy.
The
Communist
Party
and
the
Workers’
and
Peasants
Red
Army
were
the
first
to
raise
the
slogan
of
resistance
against
Japan.
The
people
took
up
this
call
and
demanded
action
against
Japanese
aggression.
The
British,
French
and
American
imperialist
powers
played
the
role
of
accomplices
in
the
Japanese
aggression
against
China.
This
crisis
of
national
subjugation
provoked
the
left
wing
of
the
Chinese
national
bourgeoisie
into
a
more
open
expression
of
anti-Japanese
sentiments.
Divergent
views
on
the
question
of
resisting
or
surrendering
to
Japan
were
also
evident
within
the
Kuomintang
camp.
The
intensification
of
the
struggle
between
the
forces
of
fascism
and
democracy
demanded
that
Communist
parties
that
they
should
work
out
new
tactics.
The
Cominten
took
up
this
task.
The
swing
of
the
world
communist
movement
towards
a
united
popular
front
in
the
struggle
against
fascism
and
war
was
made
at
the
Seventh
Cominten
Congress
in
1935.
A
special
report
by
Georgi
Dimitrov
was
devoted
to
the
creation
of
a
united
proletarian
and
popular
front.
The
Seventh
Congress
analysed
the
class
essence
of
fascism,
revealed
the
reasons
for
its
coming
to
power
in
some
countries
and
noted
that
if
the
working
class
employed
the
right
tactics,
launched
the
struggle
in
time
and
rallied
a
round
itself
allies,
it
could
defeat
fascism.
The
Cominten
recommended
employing
the
united
front
tactics
in
a
new
way,
achieving
the
agreements
on
the
joint
actions
with
organisations
of
workers
of
different
political
trends
on
a
factory,
local,
regional,
nation-wide,
and
international
scale.
The
joint
actions
of
the
communists
with
the
social-democratic
parties,
the
reformist
trade
unions
and
other
organisations
should
be
attained
on
the
basis
of
short-term
or
long-term
agreements.
The
workers’
united
front
tactics
in
all
the
capitalist
countries
were
meant
to
defend
the
direct
interests
of
the
working
class
and
protecting
it
from
fascism.
The
Chinese
Communist
Party,
taking
into
consideration
the
new
changes
in
the
class
relations
in
the
country
in
the
face
of
Japanese
imperialist
aggression,
and
also
acting
in
accordance
with
the
policy
of
the
Communist
International
concerning
the
formation
of
a
united
front
against
fascism
and
imperialism,
endorsed
the
Party’s
Anti-Japanese
National
United
Front
policy
in
1935.
Mao
Zedong
published
a
report
entitled
'On
Tactics
Against
Japanese
Imperialism',
in
which
he
systematically
explained
this
new
policy.
The
Communist
Party’s
call
for
an
anti-Japanese
national
united
front,
and
the
growth
of
the
anti-Japanese
national
salvation
movement,
had
a
great
impact
on
a
section
of
the
Kuomintang
army.
To
sum
up,
after
a period
of
cooperation
with
Kuomintang
during
1923-1927
period,
the
communist
party
fought
against
Kuomintang
as
well
as
imperialism.
But
again
after
1936,
when
Japanese
attacked
China,
the
Communist
Party
approached
Kuomintang
for
co-operation.
But
this
alliance
broke
down
again
after
some
time.
It
was
again
at
the
time
of
fight
against
fascism
the
world
over
that
the
Kuomintang
was
forced
by
the
nationalist
leaders
to
join
hands
and
fight
with
the
Communist
Party.
It
is
to
be
noted
that
during
the
war
of
resistance,
the
ruling
clique
of
Kuomintang
continued
to
oppose
the
communist
party
and
the
people
and
was
passive
in
resisting
Japan.
As
a
result,
the
Kuomintang
suffered
defeat
after
defeat
in
front
operation
against
the
Japanese
invaders.
The
Communist
Party
persevered
in
the
policy
of
maintaining
its
independence
and
initiative
weighting
the
united
front,
closely
relied
on
the
masses
of
the
people,
conducted
guerrilla
warfare
behind
enemy
lines
and
set
up
many
anti-Japanese
base
areas.
Diverse
forms
of
anti-Japanese
struggle
were
unfolded
on
a
broad
scale
in
areas
occupied
by
Japan
or
controlled
by
the
Kuomintang.
After
the
victory
over
fascism
the
Kuomintang
broke
this
alliance
and
tried
to
lay
conditions
by
which
the
revolutionary
gains
were
to
be
surrendered.
The
communist
party
could
not
agree
to
this.
During
this
fourth
stage
of
Chinese
revolution
the
struggle
was
against
imperialism
and
Kuomintang.
This
led
to
the
utter
defeat
of
the
Kuomintang
and
the
victory
over
imperialism
in
China
in
October
1949.
Other
most
important
part
of
the
Chines
tactics
and
strategy
has
been
the
resort
to
guerilla
warfare,
occupying
rural
areas,
setting
up
governments
there
and
resorting
to
land
distribution.
The
Chinese
Party
has
written
a
glorious
chapter
in
the
revolutionary
history
of
the
world.
The
Chinese
revolution
was
victorious
because
they
relied
on
a
people’s
army
led
by
the
Party
and
army
of
a
completely
new
type
enjoying
flesh-and-blood
ties
with
the
people,
to
defeat
a
formidable
enemy
through
protracted
people’s
war.
A
few
years
after
the
formation
of
the
Party
they
worked
out
the
tactics
of
going
to
the
rural
areas
and
mobilising
the
peasantry
for
the
struggle.
China
is
a
mountainous
country
with
very
difficult
terrain
and
communications
were
also
not
developed.
The
communist
party
from
the
beginning
organised
forces
of
the
Red
Army,
sent
them
to
rural
dominated
areas,
and
strove
them
to
distribute
the
land
to
the
peasants.
In
these
they
used
both
methods
of
guerrilla
warfare
as
well
as
regular
war
with
the
enemy.
This
situation
lasted
for
nearly
a
year
to
two
till
the
revolution
succeeded
i.e.
almost
for
24
years.
There
is
no
other
example
in
any
other
country
where
such
a
struggle
has
taken
place
in
such
a
vast
country
as
China.
The
Soviet
Union
played
an
important
role
in
the
ultimate
victory
over
fascism.
This
is
because
in
the
changed
correlation
of
class
forces,
the
imperialists
were
not
able
to
directly
intervene
through
the
Kuomintang
forces
in
a
big
way
through
arms
and
other
sources.
This
favourable
situation
undoubtedly
helped
the
Chinese.
It
is
to
be
noted
that
during
the
Second
Revolutionary
Civil
War
“Left”
adventurist
lines
advocated
by
Li
Li
Sen,
member
of
the
Standing
Committee
of
the
Political
Bureau
and
head
of
the
Propaganda
Department
of
the
CPC
Central
Committee,
later
on
by
Wang
Ming
and
others
resulted
in
serious
losses
in
varying
degrees
to
the
Red
Army
units
and
base
areas.
The
Long
March
of
Red
Army
remains
a
rare
feat
in
the
whole
of
human
history.
The
“Left”
sectarian
policy
and
other
consequential
mistakes
made
it
impossible
for
the
Red
Army
to
smash
the
enemy’s
encirclement,
despite
its
gallant
defence
which
went
on
for
more
than
a
year.
The
Communist
International
also
made
a
wrong
estimation
of
the
then
Chinese
situation.
In January 1935, the Chinese Communist Party convened an enlarged conference of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. Addressing the conference Mao Zedong, who based his arguments on the realistic lesson learned from experiences during the war, convinced and won over many comrades. The conference put an end to the incorrect “Left” line of the Central Committee, endorsed the correct policy advocated by Mao Zedong, elected a military command ground composed of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and Wang Jiaxiang, and established the leading position of Mao Zedong in the Central Committee.
Socialist
Construction
The
basic
tasks
faced
by
the
Chinese
Party
after
the
founding
of
People’s
Republic
were
the
following:
consolidation
of
the
revolution,
rehabilitation
of
the
war
torn
economy
and
transition
from
new
democracy
to
socialism.
Suppressing
the
remnants
of
counter-revolution
and
unifying
the
mainland
of
China,
thwarting
the
US
aggression
against
Korea
and
restoring
industrial
agricultural
production
capacity
was
successfully
carried
out
by
1952.
But
the
socialist
transition
of
agriculture,
petty
production,
industry
and
trade
took
longer
time.
In
1952
the
Central
Committee
of
the
Party
laid
down
the
general
guidelines
during
the
transition
period.
The
agrarian
reforms
liquidated
the
feudal
landlords
and
turned
the
land
over
to
the
peasants.
Eventhough
the
peasants
came
to
own
the
land,
they
needed
credit,
new
technology,
water
and
fertiliser
for
expanding
the
production.
There
was
a
natural
desire
for
mutual
aid
and
co-operation.
It
was
decided
to
move
towards
socialist
agrarian
forms
such
as
producer’s
co-operatives
through
transitional
forms
of
co-operation
that
were
only
semi-socialist
in
nature.
Eventhough
principle
of
volutariness,
mutual
benefit
and
incentives
extended
by
the
state
were
emphasised,
there
were
also
instances
of
overhastiness
and
over
enthusiasm.
Despite
this
shortcomings,
social
transformation
of
agriculture
was
by
and
large
complete
by
1956.
It
was
in
the
case
with
the
industry,
that
large-scale
trade
and
commerce
was
essential
for
which
purpose
a
number
of
transitional
forms
of
state
capitalism
were
devised.
1957
marked
the
successful
completion
of
the
first
five-year
plan.
There
was
rapid
and
balanced
economic
growth
and
stable
prices.
The
eighth
national
congress
of
the
party
declared
that
the
socialist
system
was
basically
established
in
China.
As
a
result,
the
basic
contradiction
was
no
longer
between
antagonist
classes,
but
“between
the
demand
of
the
people
for
rapid
economic
and
cultural
development
and
the
existing
state
of
the
economy
and
culture
which
felt
short
of
the
needs
of
the
people.”
The
main
line
of
action
was
to
develop
productive
forces
and
industrialise
the
country.
The
slogan
was
to
make
steady
progress
keeping
an
overall
balance.
The
line
drawn
up
by
the
eighth
congress
of
the
Chinese
Party
laid
the
basis
for
next
ten
years
of
socialist
construction.
There
was
alround
growth
in
all
spheres
despite
the
pitfall
of
the
Great
Leap
Forward
and
the
movement
to
organise
communes.
The
progress
was
inspiring
but
the
leadership
felt
that
it
was
not
sufficient.
So
after
1958
they
resorted
to
certain
slogans
like
the
Great
Leap
Forward
and
developing
commune
which
was
meant
to
decentralise
the
administration.
The
attempted
leap
in
development
had
a
high
element
of
voluntarism
and
did
not
take
into
full
consideration
the
ground
realities,
the
level
of
consciousness
of
the
masses
and
technological
requirements.
Material
incentives
were
disregarded.
Some
of
the
leftist
excesses
that
were
evident
in
these
movements,
though
rectified
continued
to
persist
and
became
a
leading
tendency
within
the
party,
finally
culminating
in
the
so
called
“Cultural
Revolution.”
History has proved that the Cultural Revolution did not reflect the objective needs of China or the principles of Marxism-Leninism. It disrupted the paramount task of advancing the productive forces in agriculture and industry and resulted in severe economic set back. It negated basic principles of organisation of the Communist Party. It promoted personality cult and degenerated into witch-hunting. In fact, it smashed the whole system of party leadership and democratic centralism. Mao’s own prestige which he had acquired by carrying out the revolution suffered. In the difficult situation after Mao's death, Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping played a major role in countering the disruptive elements and rallying the Party.
The
Chinese
Party
has
self-critically
analysed
why
such
a
grave
deviation
took
place
in
its
history
of
socialist
construction.
The
victory
of
the
Chinese
revolution
is
due
to
the
success
in
creatively
developing
Marxism
to
suit
the
specific
conditions
of
semi-feudal
/
semi-colonial
China.
We
have
noted
the
role
that
Mao
Zedong
played
in
the
process.
His
analysis
laid
the
basis
of
socialist
transformation
of
the
Chinese
economy.
But
instead
of
creatively
applying
Marxism
/
Leninism
to
the
new
conditions
of
the
Socialist
China
he
interpreted
Marxism
and
Leninism
dogmatically
in
the
new
situation.
Taking
class
struggle
as
the
key
link
even
after
socialist
transformation
was
a
one
sided
interpretation
of
Marxist
/
Leninist
understanding
of
the
nature
of
petty
production
and
the
principle
of
equal
right.
The
international
situation
with
ascendancy
of
revisionist
ideas
in
Soviet
Union
was
also
conducive
to
the
Left
deviation
in
China.
The
personality
cult
that
came
to
be
built
around
Mao
Zedong
also
made
collective
and
democratic
functioning
of
the
party
difficult.
The
role
of
semi-feudal
cultural
traditions
provided
a
fertile
soil
for
personality
cult
and
anti-democratic
tendencies.
In
this
respective
it
is
instructive
to
quote
from
the
Resolution
adopted
by
the
sixth
plenary
session
of
the
11th
Central
Committee
of
the
Communist
Party
of
China
in
1981:
“Our Party fought in the firmest and most thorough going way against it, and particularly against the feudal system of land ownership and the landlords and local tyrants, and fostered a fine tradition of democracy in the anti-feudal struggle. But it remains difficult to eliminate the evil ideological and political influence of centuries of feudal autocracy. And for various historical reasons, we failed to institutionalise and legalise inner-Party democracy and democracy in the political and social life of the country, or we drew up the relevant laws but they lacked due authority. This meant that conditions were present for the over-concentration of Party power in individuals and for the development of arbitrary individual rule and the personality cult in the Party. This, it was hard for the Party and state to prevent the initiation of the “Cultural Revolution” or check its development.”
It
is
fortunate
that
the
party
in
the
country
as
a
whole
rallied
behind
the
new
leadership
and
started
overcoming
the
shortcomings
and
weakness.
During
the
Cultural
Revolution,
China’s
relations
with
foreign
countries
also
got
strained,
and
with
the
socialist
countries
they
had
become
non-existent.
It
was
a
very
serious
situation
but
thanks
to
the
prestige,
which
the
Chinese
communist
party
acquired
during
the
prolonged
struggle
they
were
able
to
save
the
situation.
The
leadership
of
Deng
Xioaping
came
forward
with
new
suggestions
providing
a
new
understanding
of
how
to
build
a
socialist
society.
First
it
was
clearly
stated
that
the
building
of
socialism
is
a
prolonged
process.
Earlier
it
was
considered
that
when
power
comes
into
the
hands
of
the
working
class
it
is
very
easy
to
bring
socialism.
Even
certain
countries
had
falsely
started
talking
about
building
communism
like
in
the
22nd
Congress
of
the
CPSU.
That
is
a
big
deviation
from
the
science
of
Marxism.
Deng
however
said
that
without
developing
the
productive
forces,
socialism
cannot
be
built.
And
he
stated
that
it
might
take
another
50
years
for
building
socialism.
Unfortunately,
in
this
period
there
was
a
big
setback
to
the
socialism
world
wide
with
the
disintegration
of
the
Soviet
Union
and
restoration
of
capitalism
in
east
European
countries.
It
changed
the
correlation
of
forces
the
world
over.
From
a
bi-polar
world,
at
present
America
is
trying
to
impose
its
hegemony
the
world
over.
In
such
a
situation
how
to
overcome
the
lag,
which
has
been
created
due
to
the
failure
of
the
last
two
decades,
and
develop
socialism
and
meet
the
requirements
of
the
mass
of
the
population
is
the
challenge.
Given
the
nature
of
the
international
economy
and
the
level
of
socialisation
of
domestic
production,
it
is
argued
that
the
market
has
to
play
a
vital
role
during
the
socialist
modernisation
period.
The
market
functions
within
the
socialist
framework
and
therefore
the
concept
of
socialist
market
economy.
And
the
Chinese
party
has
also
constantly
emphasised
the
adherence
to
four
cardinal
principles
of
upholding
the
socialist
road,
the
people’s
democratic
dictatorship,
the
leadership
of
the
Communist
Party,
and
Marxism-Leninism
and
Mao
Zedong
Thought.
The
facts
show
that
the
new
policy
of
China
has
resulted
in
tremendous
acceleration
in
economic
development.
According
to
the
data
provided
by
State
Statistical
Bureau,
China’s
GDP
in
1997
amounts
US$
9026
billion
if
calculated
by
the
average
exchange
rate
between
RMB
yuan
and
US
dollar
of
the
year.
This
figure
ranks
No.
7
behind
USA
(US$
7819.3
billion),
Japan
(US$
4223.4
billion),
Germany
(US$2115.4
billion),
France
(US$1393.8
billion),
Britain
(US$1278.4
billion),
and
Italy
(US$1146.2
billion).
From
1979
to
1997,
China’s
average
annual
growth
rate
is
9.8
percent,
i.e.
6.5
percentage
points
higher
than
that
of
the
world.
The
rank
of
China
in
production
of
main
industrial
and
agricultural
products
has
significantly
improved.
So
have
their
share
in
the
world
production.
Steady
agricultural
development
is
also
noteworthy.
The
total
output
value
of
agriculture,
forestry,
animal
husbandry
and
fishery
reached
24709
trillion
yuan,
2.4-fold
increase
over
1978.
After
adjustment
for
price
factors
the
average
annual
increase
in
output
of
the
primary
sector
is
6.6
percent
which
is
2.8
times
as
much
as
that
before
the
initiation
of
reforms
and
opening
to
the
outside
world.
At
present,
the
per
capita
life
expectancy
of
Chinese
citizens
is
about
70
years
old,
above
the
average
global
level
(63).
In
1997,
China
with
1.985
million
doctors
had
the
largest
medical
workforce
in
the
world.
In
the
past
decades,
the
income
of
both
urban
and
rural
residents
had
doubled.
In
1997,
saving
deposits
of
urban
and
rural
residents
reached
over
218
times
that
of
1978
with
an
average
annual
increase
rate
of
32.8
percent.
The
development
and
sales
of
affordable
housing
for
people
with
low
or
medium
incomes
increased
by
a
fairly
large
margin.
There
was
improvement
in
infrastructure
facilities
in-cities
and
environmental
protection.
The
Chinese
leaders
have
announced
that
China
would
be
poverty
free,
alleviating
even
small
pockets
that
exist
today,
by
the
dawn
of
the
new
century.
The
Chinese
leaders
also
feel
that
some
ideologically
adverse
impact
is
bound
to
occur
with
the
opening
up
to
the
outside
world.
And
that
is
why
they
have
decided
to
conduct
a
rectification
campaign
against
certain
tendencies.
But
it
has
undoubtedly
created
big
confidence
in
the
minds
of
freedom
loving
people,
people
aspiring
for
socialism,
a
confidence
that
China
will
not
only
survive
as
a
socialist
country
but
will
be
able
to
play
a
very
prominent
role
in
the
world
arena.
But
Chinese
socialist
experiment
had
its
ups
and
downs.
We
must
remember
that
socialism
is
a
new
system,
which
has
not
had
a
previous
model
to
follow.
Marx
and
Engels
had
laid
down
the
broad
outline
only.
But
it
is
important
that
it
should
be
implemented
keeping
in
mind
the
consciousness
of
the
masses
as
well
as
the
material
conditions.
The
objective
and
the
subjective
factors
have
to
be
considered.
Marxism
is
not
a
dogma
but
a
guide
to
action.
There
cannot
be
any
rigid
formula
applicable
to
all
countries.
Since
production
relations
are
different
for
each
country,
the
position
of
various
classes
including
their
consciousness
and
historical
background
are
also
different.
The
science
of
Marxism
has
to
be
concretely
applied
to
each
country,
drawing
from
the
experience
of
different
socialist
countries.
Deng
Xiaoping
summed
up
the
threats
and
opportunities
connected
with
the
new
reform,
ten
years
after
its
introduction,
in
the
following
words:
“China's modernisation can be achieved only through socialism, not capitalism…. In our effort to modernise, to introduce reform and to open to the outside world, we may encounter some dangers and difficulties. And we may make fresh mistakes, because China is such a big country and what we are doing is something that has never been done here before. Since China has its own characteristics, we can only run our affairs in accordance with the specific conditions in China. Of course, we can learn from the experience of others, but we must never copy everything. Since reform is a brand-new undertaking, mistakes are inevitable. We must not be afraid of making mistakes, and temporary setbacks must not make us abandon the reform and just make time. We have to be daring, or we will never be able to modernise. But we also have to be cautious about introducing particular reforms and review our experience regularly. Minor errors are inevitable, but we should try to avoid major ones. ……in such a vast country where the political changes are taking place rapidly many twists and turns have to be faced in the coming period. It is only treating Marxism-Leninism as a science and making use of the collective wisdom of the party organisation that we can provide correct direction. In this respect experience of Chinese revolution is of immense importance.”