The
Marxist
Oct-Dec.
2003
Casteist
Organisations
and
the
Party*
5.
Caste
is
a
special
feature
of
Indian
society.
The
caste
system
and
caste-hierarchy
are
not
to
be
seen
in
any
other
country.
The
caste-based
discrimination
and
oppression
have
a
very
long
history.
Caste
differences
and
caste
hegemony
began
with
the
collapse
of
the
tribal
system.
Capitalist
development
in
India
did
not
destroy
the
caste
system;
instead
it
compromised
with
the
caste
system
and
developed
casteist
feelings.
This
is
due
to
the
specificity
of
Indian
capitalist
development.
This
phenomenon
has
been
explained
thus
in
the
Party
Programme:
“If
the
development
of
capitalist
relations
in
agriculture
is
clearly
the
major
all
India
trend,
it
is
equally
evident
that
agrarian
relations
are
marked
by
greater
regional
and
sub-regional
diversity
and
by
unevenness
in
the
development
of
capitalist
relations
of
production
and
exchange.
There
are
regions
of
the
country
where
capitalism
in
agriculture
has
advanced
and
where
commercial
agriculture
and
cash
transactions
dominate
the
rural
economy;
there
are
regions
where
old
forms
of
landlordism
and
tenancy
and
archaic
forms
of
labour
service,
servitude
and
bondage
still
play
an
important
part
in
agrarian
relations.
And
all
over
the
country,
caste
divisions,
caste
oppression,
the
worst
forms
of
gender
oppression
and
the
exploitation
of
the
poor
by
usurers
and
merchant
capital
continue
unabated.
Capitalist
development
in
Indian
agriculture
is
not
based
on
a
resolute
destruction
of
older
forms,
but
has
been
superimposed
on
a
swamp
of
pre-capitalist
production
relations
and
forms
of
social
organisation.
The
development
of
the
"modern"
does
not
preclude
the
continued
existence
of
the
archaic:
India
is
a
vast
and
living
example
of
the
rule
that
capitalism
penetrates
agriculture
and
rural
society
in
a
myriad
ways.”
The
semi-feudal
system
is
the
base
of
still
continuing
caste
system's
socio-economic
base.
The
supremacy
of
the
colored
upper
castes
is
an
important
tool
for
the
semi-feudal
exploitation
and
oppression.
6.
The
above
mentioned
situation
has
raised
two
different
trends.
First
is
the
reaction
on
the
part
of
lower-castes
against
the
caste-oppression:
"The
bourgeois-landlord
system
has
also
failed
to
put
an
end
to
caste
oppression.
The
worst
sufferers
are
the
scheduled
castes.
The
dalits
are
subject
to
untouchability
and
other
forms
of
discrimination
despite
these
being
declared
unlawful.
The
growing
consciousness
among
the
dalits
for
emancipation
is
sought
to
be
met
with
brutal
oppression
and
atrocities.
The
assertion
by
the
dalits
has
a
democratic
content
reflecting
the
aspirations
of
the
most
oppressed
sections
of
society.
The
backward
castes
have
also
asserted
their
rights
in
a
caste-ridden
society."
7.
At
the
same
time,
the
Party
Programme
also
points
out
the
serious
limitations
of
casteist
movements:
"
At
the
same
time
a
purely
caste
appeal
which
seeks
to
perpetuate
caste
divisions
for
the
narrow
aim
of
consolidating
vote
banks
and
detaching
these
downtrodden
sections
from
the
common
democratic
movement
has
also
been
at
work.
Many
caste
leaders
and
certain
leaders
of
bourgeois
political
parties
seek
to
utilise
the
polarisation
on
caste
lines
for
narrow
electoral
gains
and
are
hostile
to
building
up
the
common
movement
of
the
oppressed
sections
of
all
castes.
They
ignore
the
basic
class
issues
of
land,
wages
and
fight
against
landlordism,
which
is
the
basis
for
overthrowing
the
old
social
order"
8.
It
can
be
seen
that
leaders
of
several
casteist
organisations
and
bourgeois
parties
are
making
moves
in
Kerala's
socio-political
spheres
just
like
those
pointed
out
in
the
Party
Programme.
Certain
chieftains
who
have
grown
up
within
the
castes
expect
that
their
spheres
of
influence
can
be
extended
with
a
share
in
political
power.
There
is
also
a
section
of
senior
officials
working
energetically
in
caste
organisations
to
use
it
as
a
pressure-group,
away
from
the
mainstream,
to
ensure
their
status,
promotions
etc.
At
present
the
leadership
of
caste
organisations
is
from
the
emerging
wealthy
sections
of
the
respective
castes.
The
special
features
of
the
growth
of
bourgeois
sections
of
various
castes
have
also
to
be
considered
to
study
the
casteism.
Changes
occurring
in
the
growth
of
bourgeois
strata
are
also
apparent
in
the
character
of
caste
organisations.
Bourgeois
sections
that
had
taken
a
progressive
stand
during
the
early
periods
of
capitalist
development
are
now
against
social
reforms
and
are
adopting
a
stand
of
favouring
superstitions
and
outdated
customs.
9.
Another
important
factor,
on
evaluation
of
current
casteist-political
interventions,
is
the
position
of
communalism
of
the
RSS-BJP.
The
assumption
of
power
at
the
centre
by
the
BJP
created
an
atmosphere
of
poisonous
Hindu
communalism
–
all
over
the
country.
This
accelerates
the
caste
and
parochial
trends.
The
attempts
of
the
RSS
to
popularize
superstitions
and
primitive
customs
and
the
atmosphere
caused
by
these,
is
helpful
to
the
growth
of
casteist-organisations.
The
RSS
is
utilising
the
casteist-organisations
and
caste/
religious
cultural
centres
as
a
shortcut
for
their
enhancement
of
mass
influence.
Their
policy
is
to
organise
people
on
caste-basis
and
later
to
unite
them
on
religious
basis.
Their
secret
efforts
to
saffronise
"Sivagiri"
was
not
at
all
accidental.
They
have
even
utilized
the
cases
related
to
economic
offenses
of
Vellappalli
Natesan
(General
Secretary
of
the
SNDP)
to
tame
the
SNDP
in
their
favour.
BJP's
moves
are
utterly
dangerous.
10.
The
assumption
of
power
by
casteist
parties
on
a
national
level
in
UP,
Bihar
etc
has
been
an
inspiration
for
the
casteist-forces
in
Kerala.
The
BSP,
RJD
and
Samajvadi
Party
have
effectively
utilized
the
caste-sense
for
gaining
political
power.
The
ruling
party
of
the
Central
government
itself
is
communal.
The
fact
that
parties
can
gain
power
by
unleashing
casteist
and
religious
frenzy
is
a
real
but
a
temporary
blow
to
the
development
of
Indian
democracy.
11.
It
is
a
fact
that
the
caste
problem
in
Kerala
cannot
be
fully
explained
in
isolation
of
communalism.
Muslim
and
Christian
communalism
have
also
been
an
inspiration
to
the
current
caste
trends.
The
issues
related
to
communalism
and
religious
minorities
are
not
being
considered
in
this
document.
The
Party
Congress
and
the
State
Committee
have
adopted
clear
stand
on
Communalism.
The
existence
of
Kerala
Congress
and
Muslim
League,
as
political
parties
centered
on
Christian
and
Muslim
minorities,
and
holding
power
in
the
state
is
also
an
inspiration
for
the
casteist
leaders
of
Hindu
religion
to
enter
into
politics.
This
prepared
the
ground
for
strengthening
the
caste
based
politics.
12.
The
present
day
onrush
of
casteism
is
also
related
to
the
onslaught
of
globalisation.
It
is
an
international
experience
that
parallel
to
globalisation,
ethnic
and
parochial
trends
also
arise.
These
trends
are
not
the
answers
to
the
problem
but
become
a
stumbling
block
to
the
mass
resistance
by
creating
divisions
among
the
people.
Kerala
has
the
experience
of
people
being
divided
on
caste
basis
on
the
slogans
of
reservation,
in
the
background
of
severe
unemployment
and
all
these
forces
allying
themselves
behind
the
ruling
classes.
13.
The
casteist-communal
front,
organised
by
the
UDF
to
unseat
the
LDF
from
power
at
the
election
in
2001,
and
its
success
was
a
turning
point
in
the
caste
based
politics
of
Kerala.
The
UDF
rule
is
giving
a
new
foundation
to
the
caste
organisations
which
were
working
more
energetically
during
the
1990's
due
to
various
factors
in
Kerala’s
social
sphere.
The
UDF
is
implementing
policies
of
appeasement
towards
these
casteist
and
religious
forces
in
order
to
build
the
wider
front.
The
casteist
leaders,
pointing
out
the
direct
share
and
position
of
Christian-Muslim
communities,
are
calling
for
organizing
on
caste-basis
for
political
bargaining.
The
SNDP
leaders
are
adopting
this
stand
publicly.
The
NSS
is
demanding
census
on
caste-basis
to
ensure
the
benefits
of
commercialization
of
education.
Caste
movements
which
were
functioning
mainly
in
the
social
sphere,
are
now
attempting
to
directly
interfere
in
politics
and
to
be
decisive
factors
of
influence.
The
caste
organisations
attempt
to
imitate
or
copy
the
politics
of
pressure
tactics
of
the
communal
parties
of
religious
minorities.
14.
The
tactics
adopted
by
the
Congress
in
Kerala
to
bring
down
the
government
of
1957
led
by
the
Communist
Party,
was
to
organise
a
broad
anti-communist
front
with
all
the
caste
and
religious
forces.
This
move
of
the
Congress
and
casteist
and
religious
forces
inflicted
a
serious
blow
to
the
growth
of
the
democratic
forces.
Because
of
this
experience,
the
Party
had
paid
special
attention
to
avoid
the
combined
opposition
of
casteist
and
religious
forces.
In
some
elections,
the
Party
made
temporary
understanding
with
some
sections
to
get
their
help.
Effective
campaign
against
casteism
and
casteist
organisations
was
not
there
on
the
part
of
the
Party.
The
campaigns
on
secularism
practically
were
limited
to
mean
only
against
interference
of
religions
in
politics.
This
gave
an
opportunity
to
the
casteist
leaders
to
boost
the
caste-consciousness
to
retain
their
influence.
The
united
front
of
casteist
and
religious
political
parties,
under
the
leadership
of
the
Congress
has
adopted
the
policy
of
distribution
of
almost
all
schools
and
colleges
under
caste
and
religious
considerations
to
the
educational
businessmen.
The
educational
needs
of
the
state
and
educational
progress
were
in
effect,
fully
lost
sight
of.
This
has
developed
to
a
stage
where
the
educational
business
could
bring
pressure
and
get
some
gains
in
the
name
of
caste-religious
representation
even
when
the
LDF
government
comes
to
power
with
the
participation
of
the
Party.
The
wealthy
sections
could
establish
their
influence
by
utilising
this
position
through
nurturing
the
caste
and
religious
sentiments.
15.
The
NSS
is
the
most
important
among
the
organisations
of
the
upper
castes.
There
are
also
organisations
based
on
sub-castes.
Other
upper
caste
organisations
like
Yoga
Kshema
Sabha
are
not
strong
due
to
lack
of
membership.
Among
the
organisations
of
the
oppressed
and
lower
castes,
the
most
important
one
is
the
SNDP
Union.
There
are
also
a
number
of
organisations
of
the
backward
castes
like
Dheevara
Sabha,
Viswakarma
Mahasabha,
Nadar
Mahajana
Sabha,
Latin
Catholic
Association,
organisations
of
converted
Christians
etc.
There
are
also
separate
organisations
for
each
section
of
the
scheduled
castes
and
the
important
ones
are
Kerala
Pulaya
Mahasabha,
Sambava
Sabha
etc.
The
Adhakrita
Varga
League
and
the
new
Dalit
organisations,
both
under
the
leadership
of
Congress,
include
people
of
all
sections.
The
Adivasis,
small
in
number,
live
on
tribal
clan
basis
and
there
are
two
Adivasi
organisations
working
on
a
state-wide
basis,
including
the
Adivasi
Kshema
Samithi.
These
organisations
of
Adivasis
cannot
be
counted
simply
among
the
caste
organisations
as
the
Adivasis
are
far
removed
from
the
traditional
caste-divisions.
The
role
of
the
caste-organisations
in
the
social
progress
of
Kerala
and
their
relations
with
our
Party
have
undergone
big
changes
since
the
earlier
days.
We
should
understand
the
changes
of
these
dialectics.
Similarly,
there
are
historical
differences
to
the
extent
of
influence
of
caste
organisations
at
different
areas
or
localities.
We
have
to
take
into
consideration
all
these
factors
in
formulating
our
policy.
16.
Social
Reform
Movements
emerged
as
part
of
the
capitalist
transformation
of
Kerala.
The
capitalist
development
that
began
during
the
second
half
of
the
19th
century
raised
a
number
of
contradictions
in
the
traditional
system;
caste-rites
and
customs
became
irrelevant
in
the
new
age
of
industry
and
commerce.
It
was
clear
that
these
traditions
and
customs
must
be
eliminated
to
move
forward
in
the
capitalist
era.
This
resulted
in
emergence
of
movements
against
superstitions
and
outmoded
customs
in
all
the
castes.
Similarly,
the
caste
organisations
and
upper
class
hegemony
that
existed
were
hindrances
to
the
emerging
bourgeois
forces
among
the
low-castes
and
this
resulted
in
many
a
movement
against
upper
class
hegemony.
Small
sections
of
progressives
among
the
upper
class
did
support
these
kind
of
movements
and
even
participated
in
them.
In
short,
the
social
reform
movement
in
Kerala
was
inclusive
of
different
religious,
caste,
social
and
political
streams.
Important
among
these
was
the
thoughts
of
Sreenarayana
Guru
and
the
movements
inspired
by
it.
17.
The
Congress
Socialist
Party,
formed
in
1930’s,
and
the
Communist
Party
subsequently
considered
the
policy
towards
social
reform
movements
as
a
practical
problem.
The
party,
which
understood
the
bourgeois
content
of
the
social
reform
movements,
unlike
the
simple
nationalists,
decided
to
actively
participate
in
the
social
reform
movements
and
to
support
effectively
the
anti-upper
caste
movements
of
the
lower
caste
people.
It
was
in
this
background
that
the
Congress
Socialist
Party
supported
the
non-co-operation
movement
in
Travancore.
The
role
of
the
party
in
anti-caste
struggles
and
its
independent
work
contributed
much
to
the
growth
of
the
Party,
which
can
seen
in
its
growth
from
Vaikom
Satyagraha
to
Guruvayur
Satyagraha
and
from
these
to
the
Paliyam
Satyagraha.
The
Party
was
not
formed
at
the
time
of
Vaikom
Satyagraha.
The
leftist
Congressmen
were
active
participants
in
the
Guruvayur
Satyagraha.
The
leadership
of
Paliyam
satyagraha
was
provided
by
the
Party.
The
Party
had
worked
along
with
the
struggles
against
casteism
and
oppressive
customs,
to
organize
and
develop
mass
organizations
of
workers
and
peasants
and
to
raise
slogans
against
caste
disabilities
and
oppressive
customs
with
a
class
approach.
Towards
the
Communist
Party
18.
This
policy
paved
the
way
for
the
progressives
in
social
reform
movements
to
be
attracted
to
the
party.
This
flow
was
very
strong
from
the
Ezhava
social
reform
movement.
It
can
be
said
that
the
bourgeois
radicalism
(Negation
of
Caste,
Rationalism,
Romantic
Literature
etc)
developed
to
its
highest
extent
in
the
Ezhava
Social
Reform
Movement.
In
the
earlier
period,
we
can
see
different
political
streams
--
from
those
who
felt
British
rule
would
be
helpful
in
the
fight
against
upper-caste
domination,
moving
to
the
national
movement
through
the
temple
movement
and
through
the
trade
union
movement
in
Alappuzha
and
other
workers
movements.
It
is
through
the
above
mentioned
streams
that
a
lot
of
social
reform
activists
of
the
reform
movements
came
over
to
the
worker’s
movement
and
to
the
Party.
Vakbhadananda
and
the
like
had
greatly
influenced
the
progressives
of
Malabar.
The
anti-caste
struggles
of
Ayyankali
assumed
the
level
of
non-co-operation
by
workers.
The
cultural
atmosphere
created
by
the
social
reform
movements
was
helpful
to
the
development
of
communist
movement.
It
was
the
communist
movement
that
continued
the
social
reform
movement
in
the
coming
decades
with
the
revolutionary
aspects
of
the
social
reforms.
It
was
also
the
land
reforms
implemented
under
the
leadership
of
the
Communist
Party
that
smashed
the
economic
basis
of
the
upper
caste
hegemony.
Land
reforms
also
resulted
in
betterment
of
the
educational
and
cultural
level
of
the
poor
people
and
in
their
bargaining
capacity.
The
Karshaka
Thozhilali
Union
was
struggling
not
only
for
wages;
the
union
was
in
the
forefront
in
raising
slogans
against
the
caste-slavery.
19.
Parallel
to
the
onward
march
of
class
politics
another
phenomenon
also
gained
strength.
The
social
reform
movements,
that
had
once
taken
progressive
stands
and
their
progressive
obligations,
began
to
move
more
and
more
to
the
framework
of
casteism
and
to
the
clutches
of
vested
interests.
This
transformation
was
inevitable
because
a
major
part
of
social
reforms
were
got
implemented
by
1960’s.
In
addition,
the
capitalist
development
sharpened
the
class
antagonisms
within
the
castes
and
communities.
The
SNDP
leadership
had
compromised
with
the
Dewan
of
Travancore,
even
before
independence.
Some
of
them
had
degenerated
into
renegades
during
Punnapra-Vayalar
struggle.
Reactionary
trends
were
strong
even
during
the
life
of
Sreenarayana
Guru.
History
says
that
the
Guru
was
much
restless
because
of
these
trends.
The
SNDP
had
only
the
casteist
framework
of
the
larger
Ezhava
social
reform
movement.
It’s
revolutionary
tradition
was
carried
forward
by
the
worker’s
movement.
Reactionary
Nature
of
Caste
Organisations
20.
There
are
capitalists
and
workers
within
every
caste;
there
are
capitalist
farmers
and
agricultural
workers.
The
attempts
of
caste
organizations
are
to
cover
up
this
antagonism.
The
issue
is,
with
which
of
these
two
classes,
the
caste
organisation
will
stand.
The
issue
of
caste
hegemony
cannot
be
solved
by
evading
the
issue
of
the
class
antagonism.
These
two
are
so
much
interrelated.
The
completion
of
the
democratic
revolution,
started
by
the
caste
and
social
reform
movements,
can
be
achieved
only
by
those
class
organisations
which
can
take
up
the
issues
of
caste
hegemony
as
part
of
the
greater
social
transformation.
The
caste
organizations
have
now
turned
out
to
be
the
tools
of
the
ruling
classes
which
is
trying
to
weaken
the
unity
of
masses
and
their
struggle.
21.
On
the
basis
of
the
above
explained
perspective,
the
Party
had
cut
off
all
its
relations
to
the
caste-organisations.
The
caste-organisations
had
comparatively
withdrawn
themselves
to
their
communal
social
sphere.
The
attempts
of
caste
organisations
to
come
to
the
political
field,
through
the
anti-communist
fronts
organized
by
the
reactionary
parties
including
the
Congress,
were
not
fruitful.
But
the
attempt
of
UDF
to
mobilize
all
the
caste,
communal
and
religious
organisations
to
defeat
the
LDF
in
the
election
of
2001,
has
resulted
in
a
new
situation.
Important
among
this
is
the
move
of
SNDP
to
interfere
in
politics.
The
SNDP
could
ensure
the
victory
of
some
of
their
fellow-travellers
among
the
Congress
and
JSS
candidates.
The
SNDP
leaders
are
trying
to
politically
interfere
in
general
policies
of
the
state,
including
that
of
education,
through
the
caste
force
and
pressure.
The
UDF
is
encouraging
such
interference.
The
change
of
character
in
the
leadership
of
SNDP
also
must
be
considered
at
this
juncture.
Though
leaning
towards
the
Congress,
the
leadership
of
SNDP
used
to
be
recognized
social
workers.
But
this
organisation
has
now
been
hijacked
by
persons
who
have
made
themselves
wealthy
mainly
through
abkari
(liquor)
business.
This
clique
which
has
‘captured’
the
organisation
are
betraying
the
Ezhava
community
for
their
personal
interests.
This
betrayal
becomes
very
clear
in
relation
to
the
liquor
policy.
22.
The
SNDP
Union’s
policy
is
to
form
various
mass
organizations
to
divide
class
and
mass
organisations
on
caste
basis.
They
utilize
the
self
help
groups
of
women
also
for
this
purpose.
This
caste-based
division
is
most
dangerous
in
view
of
the
need
for
widest
mass
organisations
to
face
the
challenges
of
globalisation.
23.
In
these
circumstances
what
approach
is
to
be
adopted
by
a
revolutionary
party?
"The
fight
to
do
away
with
the
caste
system
is
an
important
part
of
the
democratic
revolution.
The
fight
against
the
casteist
exploitation
is
related
to
the
struggle
against
class
exploitation"(para
5.15).
It
is
due
to
this
conviction
that
prime
importance
is
given
in
the
political
resolution
adopted
by
the
Party
on
various
occasions
for
analyzing
casteist
politics
and
social-political
trends
associated
with
them
and
defining
party
tasks.
In
the
Political
Resolution
adopted
by
17th
Party
Congress
the
rights
of
dalits
are
discussed
in
detail
in
para
2.60
and
those
of
Adivasis
in
paras
2.62
and
2.63.
On
this
basis
it
is
explained
how
the
"struggle
for
social
reforms"
is
to
be
conducted.
The
CPI(M)
which
is
fighting
to
establish
a
casteless
society
is
deeply
concerned
that
caste
consciousness
and
caste
divisions
existing
in
society
are
being
further
strengthened.
This
is
reflected
in
political
and
social
spheres.
Such
segregation
in
the
name
of
the
caste
is
detrimental
to
the
growth
of
class
unity
and
progress
of
democracy.
The
Party
has
to
organise
campaigns
against
caste
division
and
rally
people
to
struggle
against
all
types
of
casteist
oppression.
Caste
system,
suppression
of
women,
the
heinous
practice
of
dowry,
burning
of
brides,
social
and
religious
rites
that
do
away
with
the
value
of
human
life
–
all
these
are
impediments
to
building
a
genuinely
democratic
society.
CPI(M)
takes
up
all
such
issues
and
fights
for
social
reform."
(Para
2.61)
24.
The
basis
for
an
approach
to
the
struggle
against
the
caste
system
is
the
perspective
laid
down
by
Lenin
in
his
famous
book
"Two
Tactics
of
Social
Democracy
in
the
Democratic
Revolution".
The
party
of
the
proletariat
intervenes
in
the
bourgeois
democratic
struggle
with
full
understandings
of
the
limitations
of
the
bourgeoisie
to
go
forward
in
the
democratic
struggle.
But
at
the
same
time,
the
party
leads
the
democratic
revolution
overcoming
the
bourgeois
limitations.
The
party
of
the
proletariat
must
be
able
to
hold
aloft
the
banner
of
revolution
when
bourgeoisie
forsakes
it.
25.
Many
leaders
of
caste
organisations
in
olden
days
had
raised
the
flag
of
social
reform
and
scientific
consciousness
against
superstitious
and
bad
customs.
But
the
vast
majority
of
leaders
of
caste
organisations
have
forsaken
this
flag
and
have
became
the
propagandists
for
superstitious
and
bad
customs.
Efforts
are
being
made
to
reestablish
pernicious
customs
and
practices
in
connection
with
the
birth,
death,
marriage,
house
warming
etc.
Some
leaders
of
the
casteist
organisations
arrogantly
try
to
socially
isolate
those
who
do
not
surrender
to
evil
customs.
Party
members
and
party
relatives
should
come
forward
to
get
rid
of
all
bad
customs
and
obscurantist
practices.
They
should
uphold
the
cause
of
social
reform
and
scientific
approach.
Party
members
and
sympathisers
must
be
prepared
to
organise
social
functions
in
a
model
manner.
They
should
adopt
the
style
of
functioning
which
motivate
people
to
improve
their
scientific
consciousness
and
which
explains
the
need
for
social
reforms
to
suit
the
times.
The
people
must
be
imparted
strength
to
voluntarily
come
forward
by
raising
their
level
of
consciousness.
26.
The
CPI
(M)
and
class
and
mass
organisations
in
which
Party
members
actively
participate
have
power
to
intervene
and
help
in
peoples'
issues.
The
party
and
class
and
mass
organisations
used
to
intervene
in
peoples'
issues
and
lend
help
even
when
they
were
comparatively
weak.
The
activities
of
the
party
and
mass
organisations
are
to
be
further
expanded.
They
should
be
able
to
completely
fill
the
lives
of
people.
27.
Marriages
between
those
of
different
castes
or
religions
has
not
become
a
common
feature
even
now.
But
such
marriages
fixed
by
young
men
and
women
are
taking
place.
Most
of
the
marriages
fixed
with
the
intervention
of
guardians
or
relatives
do
not
cross
the
borders
of
caste
and
religion.
This
happens
due
to
the
influence
of
the
general
atmosphere
prevailing
in
the
country.
Majority
and
minority
fundamentalists
too
take
a
stand
against
such
mixed
marriages.
Religious
fanatics
wish
to
isolate
those
young
men
and
women
and
their
relatives
who
get
ready
for
such
marriages
and
attack
them.
The
Party
and
class
and
mass
organisations
must
resist
such
moves
of
religious
and
casteist
fanatics.
Young
men
and
women
born
in
different
religions
and
castes
should
be
encouraged
to
marry
if
they
wish
to.
28.
Intensive
and
widespread
efforts
to
organise
scheduled
castes
on
a
caste-basis
and
to
alienate
them
from
the
Party
are
on.
Ideological
propaganda
has
to
be
organised
against
it.
The
new
generation
has
to
be
taught
the
heritage
of
our
movement.
The
main
reason
for
the
social
welfare
status
of
scheduled
castes
in
Kerala
being
much
higher
than
that
in
other
states
are
the
innumerable
struggles
waged
by
agricultural
workers'
union
and
land
reforms.
It
cannot
be
said
that
an
economically
strong
bourgeoisie
has
evolved
among
SCs
as
in
the
way
it
has
evolved
in
other
backward
castes.
But
there
is
an
array
of
educated
officials.
They
are
at
the
helm
of
casteist
organisations.
At
the
same
time
the
Party
and
mass
organisations
have
to
take
up
various
general
grievances
of
the
scheduled
castes.
Today
it
is
agricultural
workers'
union
that
handles
the
problems
of
this
section
of
people.
Other
movements
also
should
pay
attention
to
this.
Student
movement
must
take
care
to
make
the
benefits
of
scheduled
students
available
at
the
appropriate
time.
Student
movement
should
make
a
separate
study
about
the
disabilities
in
getting
education.
The
women's
movement
should
pay
special
attention
to
the
issues
of
dalit
women.
Lapses
in
the
implementation
of
SC
and
ST
sub
plans
must
be
made
up
by
our
panchayats.
Colony
committees
must
be
activised.
It
must
be
ensured
that
the
decision
regarding
special
recruitment
to
the
party
from
this
section
is
implemented.
Weaker
sections
must
be
convinced
through
their
experience
that
CPI(M)
is
their
firm
supporter.
It
is
necessary
to
overcome
all
shortcomings
in
this
regard
in
order
to
do
away
with
the
influence
of
casteist
organisations.
29.
The
reservation
policy
of
the
Party
is
to
ensure
that
the
benefit
of
caste
reservation
accrues
to
the
vast
majority
of
ordinary
people.
Now
it
is
the
richer
sections
in
the
concerned
community
who
reap
the
major
part
of
the
benefits
of
reservation.
The
CPI(M)
demanded
that
no
community
must
be
denied
a
benefit
that
they
enjoy
now
and
that
it
should
be
ensured
that
the
benefit
goes
to
those
deserving
in
each
community.
We
also
demanded
that
the
poorest
in
forward
communities
must
be
ensured
reservation
benefit
at
least
on
a
small
scale
without
affecting
the
existing
reservation
for
backward
communities.
The
bigwigs
of
the
communities
declared
war
against
CPI(M)
for
stating
that
the
reservation
benefit
is
being
cornered
by
the
rich
in
each
community
and
demanding
that
this
must
be
prevented
and
the
benefit
must
be
given
to
the
deserving.
Today
under
Antony
rule
even
the
system
of
reservation
has
become
practically
ineffective.
As
all
sectors
where
reservation
was
prevalent
are
being
privatized,
it
will
be
the
end
of
reservation.
The
system
of
reservation
is
being
disrupted
through
ban
of
government
postings,
sale
of
public
sector
units,
complete
privatisation
of
education
sector,
etc.
It
is
only
CPI
(M)
which
is
raising
its
voice
against
this
injustice.
30.
In
order
to
do
away
with
all
disabilities
and
to
achieve
relentless
progress
and
growth,
the
present
socio-economic
system
has
to
be
smashed
and
a
classless
society
has
to
be
established.
Such
a
society
can
be
created
only
when
all
weaker
sections
of
people
came
together
and
carry
out
social
revolution.
Without
increased
unity
and
united
moves
of
people,
it
is
not
possible
to
achieve
progress.
If
continuous
ideological
campaign
on
these
matters
is
not
carried
out
among
the
people
their
consciousness
will
be
stuck
on
temporary
and
narrow
objectives.
The
importance
of
the
ideological
struggle
to
be
carried
out
by
the
Communist
party
should
never
be
forgotten.
The
party
must
be
ready
to
clarify
as
to
how
temporary,
partial
and
fundamental
issues
are
inter-related.
31.
The
Party
has
taken
a
clear
stand
about
organizing
Scheduled
Tribes
under
the
auspices
of
the
Adivasi
Kshema
Samithi.
The
resolution
adopted
by
the
Party
Central
Committee
on
the
Adivasi
issue
must
be
our
guide.
32.
The
Party's
ideal
is
casteless
and
secular
society.
Communal
organisations
in
the
present
day
Kerala
do
not
have
any
progressive
social
function
to
fulfill.
Hence
the
party
sticks
to
its
stand
that
our
party
members
must
not
work
in
such
communal
organisations
and
should
not
became
office-bearers.
33.
There
is
a
long
history
to
the
difference
between
Malabar
and
Travancore-Cochin
(TC)
area
as
far
as
casteist
influence
is
concerned.
The
changes
in
land
relation
in
TC
area
during
18th
and
19th
centuries
developed
a
new
rich
middle
class
section
from
among
the
lower
castes.
It
is
these
bourgeois
forces
that
give
leadership
to
casteist
organisation.
It
was
under
their
strong
influence
that
even
the
national
movement
took
shape
in
Travancore.
The
state
Congress
was
a
front
of
various
communal
forces.
But
in
Malabar
where
the
old
feudal
system
continued
without
any
major
change,
social
reform
movement
grew
and
spread
under
the
auspices
of
the
national
movement
and
the
TU-Kisan
movements
which
were
formed
as
its
parts.
The
caste-communal
forces
are
now
attempting
to
disrupt
the
mass
movements
which
grew
up
fully
assimilating
the
spirit
of
the
social
reform
movement
in
Malabar.
This
will
be
a
big
step
backwards
historically.
We
have
to
take
a
strong
stand
against
the
despicable
moves
to
expand
casteist
movements.
34.
We
should
encourage
steps
to
expose
the
erroneous
moves
of
the
SNDP
union
in
TC
area.
All
forces
which
have
come
forward
to
unleash
caste
frenzy
in
Kerala
must
be
resisted.
A
powerful
campaign
against
the
casteist
danger
is
to
be
carried
out.
35.
The
most
effective
method
to
unite
people
against
casteist
division
is
to
develop
mass
struggles
based
on
common
issues
affecting
people
belonging
to
all
castes
and
build
class
movements.
Dividing
people
on
the
basis
of
caste
can
be
defeated
only
by
developing
a
big
mass
struggle
against
the
new
economic
policies
that
are
pauperizing
all
sections
of
people.
It
should
be
explained
that
the
ban
on
appointments
in
government
and
public
sector
and
cancellation
of
posts
will
adversely
affect
the
backward
communities.
We
will
be
able
to
point
out
that
the
interests
of
common
people
and
caste-chieftains
are
contradictory
in
the
traditional
sector
comprising
of
coir,
handloom
etc.
Globalisation
is
making
the
lives
of
all
sections
of
people
extremely
precarious.
Casteist
organisations
are
undermining
the
unity
that
should
develop
cutting
across
caste
and
religion.
They
are
supporting
the
UDF
government
which
is
implementing
these
policies.
Campaigns
and
struggles
are
to
be
organised
exposing
them.
36.
Efforts
to
develop
religious
and
casteist
frenzy
cannot
be
prevented
by
organizing
economic
struggles
only.
Through
this
only
an
elementary
consciousness
to
rally
together
for
economic
demands
can
be
developed.
The
Party
should
consciously
organise
ideological
campaign
among
people
who
are
prepared
to
rally
together.
It
can
be
seen
that
even
those
who
rally
around
progressive
movements
for
economic
struggles
rally
in
the
reactionary
camp
in
social
and
political
matters.
Those
who
adopt
a
progressive
stand
once
need
not
continue
to
adopt
such
a
stand
at
all
times.
The
Party
should
organise
continuous
activities
to
raise
the
level
of
consciousness
of
the
people.
Any
weakness
in
this
regard
will
be
utilized
by
the
reactionary
forces.
Noting
that
today
it
is
the
reactionary
ideas
consciously
propagated
by
the
rich
classes
which
dominates,
the
Communist
Party
must
relentlessly
propagate
progressive
revolutionary
ideas.
37.
Quite
a
lot
of
campaign
is
now
being
conducted
against
religious
communalism.
But
there
are
not
enough
campaigns
or
actions
against
the
intervention
of
casteist
organisations
in
politics
or
campaigns
against
caste.
The
activities
against
caste
have
to
be
seen
as
part
of
the
work
to
develop
a
democratic
and
secular
society.
It
should
not
be
considered
only
as
a
campaign
against
casteist
propaganda
of
any
leader
of
a
caste.
Caste,
domination
of
casteism
and
the
inequalities
created
by
it
are
to
be
wiped
out
from
the
life
of
the
people
as
a
part
of
the
process
of
completing
the
democratic
revolution.
The
objective
of
the
Party
is
to
rally
the
people
as
a
whole
interested
in
social
change
which
will
help
it
and
the
revolutionary
reorganization
of
the
society.
It
is
essential
for
the
social
revolution
to
defeat
all
destabilizing
moves
which
disrupt
the
unity
of
the
people.
*document Adopted by the Kerala State Committee of the CPI(M) at its meeting on 27-28 March 2003