Oct-Dec.
2003
“The
working
class
cannot
act
as
a
class
except
by
constituting
itself
into
a
political
party
distinct
from,
and
opposed
to,
all
old
parties
formed
from
the
propertied
class.”
(Resolution,
drafted
by
Karl
Marx
and
Frederick
Engels,
adopted
at
the
Hague
Conference
of
First
International,
1872)
The
Communist
Party
works
as
the
centralised
vanguard
of
the
working
class
the
world
over
and
aims
at
fusing
socialist
theory
and
socialist
consciousness
with
the
struggles
and
movements
of
the
proletariat.
The
Communist
Party
has
necessarily
to
function
in
the
diversity
of
the
evolving
realties
across
the
countries.
The
Communist
Party
has
to
fix
and
implement
its
programme
and
its
tactical
line
in
accordance
with
the
social,
political,
and
economic
situation
present.
Lenin
has
noted
that
the
Communist
Party
must
correctly
adapt
the
fundamental
principles
of
communism
to
the
features
peculiar
to
each
country.
However,
the
common
and
immutable
characteristic
of
every
Communist
Party
is
that
it
is
guided
along
its
path
by
the
tenets
of
scientific
socialism.
Karl
Marx
and
Frederick
Engels
spoke
about
how
the
theoretical
consciousness
and
the
Selbsttätigkeit
or
the
spontaneous
self-activity
of
the
working
class,
complemented
each
other
as
constant
elements
in
the
conception
of
the
Party,
combining
in
different
proportions
in
different
countries.
The
idea
finds
a
classical
expression
in
the
Communist
Manifesto
(1948).
Here,
Marx
and
Engels
wrote
about
the
communists’
clearer
theoretical
understanding
of
the
“line
of
progress,
the
conditions,
and
the
ultimate
results
of
the
proletarian
movement.”
The
Communists
are
the
most
advanced
and
the
most
resolute
precisely
because
of
this
clear
understanding
of
the
three
ultimate
results.
The
Communists
move
towards
a
unique
and
basic
ideology
as
the
struggles
develop
and
the
level
of
political
consciousness
rises.
V
I
Lenin
always
stood
opposed
to
the
theory
that
spoke
about
the
spontaneous
development
of
society.
Lenin
was
always
careful
to
distinguish
between
“trade
union
consciousness”
which
the
workers
could
acquire
spontaneously
(Selbsttätigkeit)
and
"social
democratic
consciousness”
which
it
was
the
Communist
Party’s
function
to
develop
among
them.
The
“new
kind
of
a
political
party”
that
the
Bolsheviks
sought
to
build
and
towards
which
they
waged
a
struggle
within
the
then
Russian
Social
Democratic
Labour
Party
(RSDLP)
was
based
on
the
postulate
that
the
socialist
movement
must
not
be
left
alone
to
spontaneity
in
any
circumstances
if
it
was
to
be
a
viable
success.
We
recall
in
this
connection
the
dictum
of
Mao
Zedong
who
while
speaking
about
revolutionary-democratic
dictatorship
of
the
workers-peasants
called
upon
the
proletariat
to
be
the
“soldier-activists
of
the
revolution”
and
to
accomplish
“with
grit
and
resolve”
the
“programme
of
the
revolution.”
(On
Contradiction,
original
text,
1937)
Mao
did
believe
that
otherwise
the
Communist
Party
was
in
danger
of
losing
its
relevance
as
the
centralised
vanguard
of
the
proletariat.
J
V
Stalin
firmly
believed
that
politics
and
ideology
should
be
“in
command,
all
the
time”
in
organising,
motivating,
and
driving
forward
the
communist
Party.
The
question
of
Party
discipline
is
innately
-
almost
organically
-
bound
up
with
the
political
goal
of
the
Communist
Party.
The
Communist
Party
is
deeply
integrated
into
the
entire
range
of
issues
and
questions
that
are
thrown
up
in
the
realm
of
society,
politics,
and
economy.
The
Party
has
to
build
up
and
organise
movements,
struggles
every
day,
and
has
to
tackle
a
variety
of
circumstances
and
happenings
that
take
place.
It
is
natural
that
an
exchange
of
opinion
and
even
debate
within
the
Communist
Party
becomes
a
necessary
part
of
the
process
of
development
itself.
It
is
a
given
that
the
Communist
Party
harbours
the
highest
form
of
democracy.
When
V
I
Lenin
first
spoke
about
democratic
centralism
as
the
core
of
the
Party
exactly
one
hundred
years
ago,
he
was
careful
to
emphasise
the
democratic
content
itself.
Its
task,
difficult
and
involved,
is
to
transform
the
inimical
society
within
which
it
functions.
It
is
not
hard
to
realise
that
unless
the
highest
forms
of
discipline
guide
along
the
Communist
Party,
it
would
face
severe
and
mounting
assaults
from
without.
The
conflict
is
an
ongoing
process—only
the
form
changes
from
time
to
time.
Sometimes
it
is
open
and
overt,
and
at
some
other
times,
it
is
covert
and
hidden.
The
way
to
strengthen
and
integrate
the
strength
of
the
Communist
Party
in
this
long-term
conflict
is
to
combine
democracy
with
centralisation.
“The
inexorable
growth
of
the
Communist
Party
is
a
function
of
the
growth
and
social
position
of
the
working
class”
(Resolution,
adopted
at
the
Amsterdam
conference
of
the
Second
International,
1904)
“Class
political
consciousness
can
be
brought
to
the
workers
only
from
without,
that
is,
only
from
outside
the
economic
struggle”
V
I
Lenin
in
Collected
Works,
vol.
V,
p.422
The
Communist
Party
can
never
achieve
its
political
goal
without
class
struggle
and
mass
struggle.
The
oft-repeated
words
of
Marx
and
Engels
in
the
Communist
Manifesto
(1848)
need
to
be
recalled:
“The
history
of
all
hitherto
existing
society
is
the
history
of
class
struggles.”
The
three
forms
of
class
struggle
are:
economic,
political,
and
ideological.
The
economic
struggle
is
the
daily
struggle
for
livelihood.
It
is
bound
up
with
leading
one’s
daily
life.
Even
within
the
folds
of
the
capitalist
system,
the
economic
struggle
is
able
after
a
fashion
to
secure
the
interests
of
the
working
masses
and
even
to
bring
about
a
modicum
of
improvement
in
their
conditions.
No
basic
problems
could
be
solved.
The
economic
struggle,
however,
helps
in
the
advancement
of
the
workers’
rights
including
higher
wages,
better
working
conditions,
and
enhancing
other
rights
of
the
workers
to
some
extent.
The
economic
struggle
has
many
manifestations
and
forms.
The
struggle
waged
by
the
Party
and
the
mass
organisations
to
implement
a
programme
for
the
interest
of
the
working
mass
is
certainly
a
part
of
the
economic
struggle.
It
is
a
mistake
to
dub
economic
struggle
as
devoid
of
importance.
It
is
in
the
arena
of
economic
struggle
that
the
mass
of
the
toiling
people
could
be
organised.
We
must
not
let
slip
the
fact
that
the
success
of
the
higher
forms
of
movements
and
struggles
depend
to
a
large
extent
on
the
success
or
otherwise
of
the
economic
struggle.
The
Communist
Party
keeps
in
mind
while
it
takes
part
in
the
economic
struggle,
the
limitations
of
that
struggle.
The
economic
struggle
is
essentially
one
that
is
fought
for
the
enhancement
of
rights
and
opportunities
within
the
capitalist
system
itself.
It
never
strikes
directly
at
the
capitalist
edifice.
According
to
Marx
and
Engels,
the
benefit
of
the
economic
struggle
would
lie
not
in
its
immediate
consequence
but
in
the
continuous
advancement
of
the
unity
of
the
toiling
masses.
Neither
the
people
nor,
indeed,
the
Communist
Party
would
stand
to
benefit
in
general
if
the
struggle
is
confined
to
economic
issues
alone.
Lenin
has
reminded
us
repeatedly
how
political
struggle
can
never
be
left
for
the
uncertainty
of
the
far
future.
Indeed,
the
conduct
of
economic
struggle
itself
would
become
fraught
with
difficulties
to
an
extent
if
the
political
struggle
could
not
be
launched
with
vigour.
Lenin’s
words
ring
true
for
the
situation
prevailing
at
present
in
our
country.
He
said:
“A
wide
economic
struggle
could
never
be
carried
out
if
there
is
an
absence
of
rights
to
conduct
meetings
and
organise
trades
union,
and
if
there
is
no
mouthpiece
of
our
own,
and
if
one
is
not
able
to
send
representatives
to
the
parliament.”
Lenin
concluded
that
a
political
struggle
was
essential
to
earn
these
rights.
The
core
issue
of
the
political
struggle
is
the
political
intervention
of
the
working
class
in
the
basic
issues
concerning
capitalism.
These
include,
for
example,
organising
struggles
on
issues
related
to
the
state,
the
government,
and
the
judiciary.
It
is
a
part
of
the
political
struggle
to
advance
from
the
issues
of
working
conditions
of
the
toiling
people
and
the
ensuring
of
rights
in
the
workplace
to
the
greater
and
larger
issue
of
securing
and
safeguarding
democratic
rights.
Issues
like
the
sovereignty
of
the
nation,
the
foreign
policy
of
the
country,
the
struggle
against
authoritarianism
and
separatism
go
to
augment
the
political
struggle
of
the
working
class
itself.
The
development
of
the
political
struggle
instils
in
the
consciousness
of
the
working
class
the
necessity
of
uprooting
the
capitalist
system
and
to
involve
them
in
the
greater
struggle
against
capitalism.
A
principal
aim
of
the
Communist
Party
is
to
enhance
the
level
of
political
consciousness
of
the
working
class
and
of
the
toiling
masses.
The
development
of
class
struggle
and
mass
struggle
depends
on
the
advancement
of
this
consciousness.
The
task
of
building
up
of
class-consciousness
of
the
working
people,
of
advancing
their
democratic
consciousness,
and
the
development
of
their
socialist
consciousness
is
not
a
small
matter.
It
is
a
part
of
the
class
struggle
itself.
The
system
within
which
we
function
contains
within
itself
the
ideology
of
sustaining
the
status
quo.
The
political
philosophy
of
capitalism,
the
education
system,
and
the
cultural
mores
and
traditions
act
to
uphold
the
status
quo.
Thus,
unless
an
ideology
alternative
to
and
opposed
to
the
capitalist
system
can
be
advanced,
there
could
never
be
any
automatic
development
of
consciousness
of
the
working
class
and
of
the
toiling
mass.
The
reality
that
surrounds
us
teaches
us
the
need
to
conduct
ideological
struggles
on
an
emergent
basis.
In
India,
the
working
class
is
divided
within
itself
by
considerations
of
religious
mores,
of
caste
divisions,
and
of
regional
and
popular
diversities.
The
fissures
are
constantly
being
opened
out
by
the
forces
of
religious
fundamentalism
and
by
other
divisive
forces.
The
corporate
media
is
getting
stronger
every
day.
The
task
of
the
big
and
corporate-controlled
media
establishments
is
to
organise
a
constant
campaign
in
favour
of
the
capitalist
class.
This
influences
both
the
toiling
masses
and
the
middle
classes.
Unless
one
is
able
to
put
up
a
continuous
stream
of
ideological
campaign
against
this,
it
is
difficult
to
build
up
the
required
level
of
political
consciousness
of
the
people.
We
have
often
seen
how
massive
mobilisation
could
be
organised
in
the
realm
of
economic
struggle.
However,
we
are
also
witness
to
the
fact
that
of
many
of
those
involved
could
be
taken
out
of
and
beyond
the
arena
of
economic
struggle.
One
notes
that
at
the
present
point
of
time,
attempts
are
being
essayed
to
extend
the
hegemony
of
imperialism
worldwide.
There
are
sustained
effort
on
to
try
to
reject
the
concept
of
socialism
itself.
The
question
of
organising
an
ideological
struggle
thus
becomes
a
crucial
and
a
tough
challenge
before
the
Communist
Party.
In
a
country
as
large
and
as
diverse
as
India,
the
Communist
Party
has
necessarily
to
be
large
with
a
deep
and
wide
foundation
among
the
mass
of
the
people.
It
was
from
this
realisation
that
the
resolution
was
taken
at
the
Salkia
Plenum
(1979)
to
make
the
Communist
Party
a
mass
revolutionary
Party.
The
Salkia
Plenum
also
issued
a
warning
to
say
that
the
Party
was
not
a
‘mass’
Party
only,
but
a revolutionary
Party.
If
the
increase
in
the
number
of
Party
members
is
not
in
consonance
with
the
advancement
of
the
consciousness
of
the
members,
the
apprehension
about
mistakes,
errors,
and
deviations
could
be
a
reality.
Beyond
the
improvement
of
the
political
consciousness
of
the
individual
members,
one
needed
to
look
to
the
improvement
in
Party
functioning.
The
two
tasks
must
be
carried
out
at
the
same
time.
The
number
of
Party
members
has
gone
up
in
the
wake
of
the
Salkia
Plenum.
The
number
of
Party
members
has
also
gone
up,
although
not
as
per
expectation,
in
the
different
states.
The
bulk
of
the
increase
has
taken
place
in
the
three
states
of
Kerala,
Tamil
Nadu,
and
West
Bengal.
In
1992
at
the
14th
Party
Congress,
a
review
of
the
post-Salkia
organisational
development
was
done.
It
was
found
out
that
not
enough
emphasis
had
been
attached
to
improving
the
standard
of
Party
members
and
that
a
laxity
in
this
regard
continued
to
prevail.
The
three
areas
of
weaknesses
generally
identified
were:
drawback
in
the
realm
of
political-ideological
consciousness;
inactive
behaviour;
and
the
trend
not
to
work
in
a
mass
organisation.
The
question
of
the
special
situation
prevailing
in
West
Bengal
can
be
brought
in
now.
In
West
Bengal,
the
number
of
Party
member
went
up
after
the
formation
of
the
Left
Front
government
in
1977.
The
Party
had
to
modify
its
pre-1977
method
of
working
to
an
extent
and
to
fix
the
Party
functioning
in
tune
with
the
new
situation.
There
is
no
doubt
that
the
situation
arising
out
of
the
existence
of
the
Left
Front
government
caused
errors,
mistakes,
and
deviations
to
occur
to
an
extent
in
the
Party.
A
campaign
to
maintain
revolutionary
purification
was
launched
in
West
Bengal
by
the
Party
as
far
back
as
in
1983.
In
the
decades
that
followed,
it
was
found
out
that
the
Party
had
started
to
suffer
from
the
same
kinds
of
errors
and
mistakes
all
over
the
country.
Even
in
states
where
the
Party
was
not
in
office,
and
is
not
sufficiently
strong,
harmful
tendencies
including
parliamentarianism
had
become
manifest.
The
issues
of
the
perception
of
Communist
ideals
and
the
erosion
of
the
principle
of
democratic
centralism
have
been
included
in
the
agenda
of
each
Party
Congress
and
state
Party
Conference.
At
the
fourteenth
Party
Congress
in
1992,
the
ideological
and
organisational
document
were
adopted.
The
issue
gained
prominence
during
the
fifteenth
Party
Congress,
and
following
a
detained
discussion
at
the
meeting
of
the
Central
Committee
in
October
1996,
the
resolution
on
a
Rectification
Campaign
was
adopted.
The
conduct
of
inner-Party
struggle
to
keep
the
Party
free
from
the
damaging
aspects
of
the
rotten
and
class-divided
bourgeois
society
is
a
continuous
and
ongoing
task.
In
special
circumstances,
with
the
creation
of
favourable
circumstances
within
the
Party
for
the
infiltration
of
bourgeois
vices,
it
becomes
imperative
to
strengthen
the
struggle
within
the
Party
against
the
tendency.
In
1996,
the
central
committee
noted
the
circumstances
that
acted
as
the
source
for
the
errors
and
deviations
that
were
against
the
Party
ideals.
These
were:
(1)
The
predominance
in
the
society
of
peasants
and
of
the
petty
bourgeoisie,
and
the
bourgeois
and
quasi-feudal
ambience
(2)
The
debacle
of
Socialism
in
the
International
scene
and
the
ideological
attacks
(3)
In
the
economic
field,
liberalisation
and
the
spread
of
its
innately
unequal
and
perverted
consumerism,
and
the
impact
of
the
campaign
in
the
mass
media
in
favour
of
the
bourgeois
self-centred
and
egoist
values
(4)
The
circumstances
that
are
created
by
the
aggression
of
the
reactionary,
sectarian,
ultra-nationalist,
and
fundamentalist
forces
are
not
conducive
for
progressive
and
scientific
thinking
(5)
In
the
background
of
the
need
for
a
long-term
and
vastly
difficult
struggle
to
bring
about
changes
in
the
correlation
of
class
forces,
there
is
the
fact
of
an
uneven
and
slow
development
of
the
all-India
Communist
movement
and
its
surrender
to
or
the
existence
of
circumstances
favourable
to
make
adjustments
with
the
bourgeois
system
and
the
bourgeois
moralities
(6)
The
induction
into
the
Party
of
very
many
people
who
are
devoid
of
the
proper
outlook
on
the
basic
Party
stance,
on
Party
programme,
and
about
the
method
of
Party
functioning;
the
inability
to
properly
train
and
educate
this
vast
number
of
newcomers
to
the
Party
and
the
lacunae
in
re-educating
existing
and
older
Party
members
(7)
The
impact
of
the
role
enunciated
by
the
bourgeois
parties
during
the
past
two
decades
in
terms
of
lack
of
principles,
money
power,
pattern
of
economic
functioning.
The
principal
content
of
the
rectification
campaign
was
the
struggle
against
parliamentary
opportunism.
The
deviation
was
not
limited
to
the
people’s
representatives
of
the
Party.
A
crass
ignoring
of
the
tasks
of
organising
mass
struggles
and
building
up
and
strengthening
the
Party
organisation
marks
the
parliamentary
deviation.
Another
important
issue
of
the
rectification
campaign
concerned
the
fight
against
the
erosion
of
the
principle
of
democratic
centralism.
From
these
deviations
appear
factionalism
and
individualism
within
the
Party.
The
third
content
was
the
preservation
and
safeguarding
of
Communist
principles
and
progressive
values.
The
fourth
issue
had
to
do
with
the
advancement
of
ideological
education
in
the
Party
and
to
improve
the
political-ideological
standard
of
the
party
members.
There
has
been
a
great
improvement
in
the
strength
of
the
Party
in
West
Bengal.
The
Party
members
have
exceeded
2.5
lakh.
They
are
organised
in
nearly
two
thousand
Local
Committees
and
26
thousand
Party
Branches.
The
Party
runs
most
of
the
rural
Panchayats
and
the
urban
municipalities
and
corporations.
The
pattern
of
functioning
has
changed
and
the
Party
has
to
undertake
responsibilities
keeping
with
the
times.
It
is
wrong
to
believe
that
the
Party
strength
has
increased
solely
due
to
the
presence
of
the
Left
Front
government.
There
are
constituents
of
the
Left
Front
other
than
the
CPI(M)
and
their
strength
has
not
gone
up.
The
chief
reasons
behind
the
increase
of
strength
of
the
CPI(M)
are:
the
correct
stand
of
the
Party,
the
Party
programme
and
its
implementation,
the
intense
political
campaign
conducted
amidst
the
people,
and
the
role
of
the
Party
in
the
developmental
work.
At
the
same
time,
two
factors
have
contributed
to
the
enhancement
of
the
political
consciousness
of
the
masses.
These
are:
the
intensity
of
work
among
the
masses
and
without
any
personal
interest,
by
the
vast
bulk
of
the
Party
members,
and
the
pro-people
policy
of
the
Left
Front
government.
However,
weaknesses
and
lacunae
persist
in
maintaining
the
revolutionary
character
and
standard
of
the
Party,
the
highest
standard
of
principles
and
morality,
and
keep
the
Party
disciplined
based
on
democratic
centralism.
The
West
Bengal
CPI(M)
has
acknowledged
and
in
public
several
issues
concerning
errors
and
deviations
in
the
spirit
of
self-criticism
and
has
stressed
on
the
need
to
strengthen
the
rectification
campaign.
We
can
summarise
the
issues
here.
The
political-ideological
level
of
the
Party
members
is
not
upto
the
expected
standard.
There
is
a
lack
of
clear
perception
about
how
a
Communist
Party
is
a
Party
of
a
new
type,
how
it
is
different
from
other
parties,
and
what
are
its
principal
goals.
This
hampers
the
spirit
of
disinterested
work
among
the
masses.
The
level
of
political
consciousness
of
the
Party
members
must
be
enhanced
through
an
extension
of
Party
education
at
every
level
and
through
education
and
training
in
the
reality
of
circumstances.
Weakening
democratic
centralism
means
the
deterioration
of
Party
discipline,
rise
of
factionalism,
and
unprincipled
work.
We
have
seen
how
after
opposing
democratic
centralism
and
speaking
out
for
“freedom
of
work,”
leading
comrades
have
alienated
themselves
from
the
Party
and
have
joined
hands
with
the
enemy.
It
is
necessary
to
enrich
the
inner-party
democracy
even
further.
There
is
no
harm
if
the
process
of
debate
within
the
Party
is
kept
active
and
alive.
It
is
often
seen
that
Party
members
involve
themselves
in
debate
and
discussion
after
trying
to
fathom
the
process
and
direction
of
thinking
of
the
leadership.
The
leadership
must
take
the
initiative
in
clearing
the
fog
of
fear
and
apprehension
within
the
Party.
The
erosion
of
democratic
centralism
helps
the
spread
of
unprincipled
behaviour
and
immoral
acts
further
weaken
the
principle
of
democratic
centralism.
The
report
adopted
at
the
20th
state
conference
noted:
“Without
democratic
centralism
and
discipline
the
Party
cannot
be
united,
nor
can
morality
be
upheld.”
A
sworn
enemy
of
democratic
centralism
is
bureaucratism
and
selective
sycophancy.
This
tendency
continues
to
exist
within
the
party.
Promotion
to
the
higher
rung
of
the
leadership
in
Communist
Party
means
more
work
and
more
responsibility.
Some
believe
that
such
a
promotion
involves
wider
privileges
and
more
power.
We
have
to
stand
firm
against
this
kind
of
deviation.
There
are
instances
of
erosion
of
morality
at
various
tiers
of
the
Party.
These
include
large-scale
corruption
to
petty
self-serving
of
interests.
The
people
are
witnesses
to
these
acts
of
commission.
Despite
the
rectification
campaign,
it
cannot
be
claimed
that
a
great
deal
of
success
could
be
achieved.
The
20th
state
conference
of
the
Party
stated
that
the
question
of
immorality
had
remained
largely
as
an
abstract
conception.
Thus,
there
is
a
perceived
inertia
in
investigating
charges
and
taking
appropriate
steps.
Unethical
behaviour
and
lack
of
principles
are
deeply
bound
up
with
factionalism.
The
task
before
the
Party
leadership
at
all
levels
is
to
watch
out
for
immoral
and
unprincipled
acts.
If
the
improvement
in
the
standard
of
living
is
not
in
keeping
with
the
sources
of
income,
one
needs
to
start
asking
questions,
brooking
no
delay.
It
is
unprincipled
to
show
a
lack
of
initiative
in
probing
unprincipled
behaviour.
If
the
leadership
is
to
retain
its
dignity,
it
must
remain
active
here
in
detecting
and
dealing
with
corrupt
behaviour.
There
are
a
few
instances
where
undesirable
persons
are
trying
to
keep
in
touch
with
the
Party.
Why
should
the
Communist
Party
allow
persons
who
are
hated
by
the
people
to
its
proximity?
These
unwanted
persons
serve
no
purpose
in
undertaking
mass
struggles.
If
the
Party
remains
close
amongst
the
people,
there
is
not
perceived
need
for
it
to
keep
in
touch
with
such
unwanted
elements.
It
must
be
understood
that
an
undesirable
person
can
never
be
a
Party
person.
The
tendency
must
be
fought
with
firm
resolve.
In
some
instances,
sections
of
the
Party
leadership
are
seen
to
avoid
accountability
to
the
Party
structure.
They
are
more
interested
in
floating
and
running
a
variety
of
platforms,
committees,
and
concerns.
The
leaders
and
workers
of
the
Communist
party,
especially
in
West
Bengal,
get
themselves
involve
in
every
aspect
of
social
activities.
However,
it
is
manifestly
wrong
to
keep
out
the
Party
itself
while
they
are
doing
so.
Lacunae
remain
in
the
manner
of
inducting
Party
members.
First,
the
task
of
organising
Party
membership
among
the
urban
and
rural
poor
is
not
satisfactory.
Second,
it
had
been
resolved
that
Party
membership
would
be
given
after
the
leadership
had
spoken
to
the
candidates
chosen
about
the
Party
and
its
aims.
This
is
not
followed
in
many
instances.
If
the
standard
of
a
Party
member
is
not
high
enough,
the
task
of
fighting
against
the
erosion
of
the
society
becomes
impossible.
The
elderly
comrades
are
on
their
way
out;
at
every
stage,
the
average
age
is
increasing.
The
space
is
to
be
filled
up
by
the
induction
of
fresh
blood.
If
the
process
were
done
mechanically
without
qualitative
enhancement,
the
standard
of
the
entire
Party
would
go
down.
It
had
been
decided
in
the
past
that
for
new
Party
membership,
an
eight
point
charter
of
qualities
will
be
invoked;
and
then
the
concerned
persons
will
sit
together
with
the
higher
leadership
and
with
members
who
are
considered
fit
for
local
committee
membership,
and
then
the
issues
concerning
the
goal
of
the
Party,
its
ideals,
duties,
rights,
and
withdrawal
of
rights
would
be
brought
up
and
those
who
are
willing
to
accept
the
conditions
will
be
provided
with
Party
membership.
The
process
is
in
operation
only
in
a
few
instances.
This
has
caused
harm
to
the
Party.
In
cases
where
the
process
is
set
in
motion,
it
is
done
mechanically
without
realising
the
central
theme
of
the
process.
Experiences
show
that
many
have
to
be
expelled
while
at
the
stage
of
Candidate
Membership
on
grounds
of
immorality
and
other
anti-Party
stance.
In
the
present
situation,
the
gap
in
the
position
of
leadership
at
every
level
cannot
be
filled
up
unless
the
ideals
and
the
levels
of
consciousness
of
the
Party
workers
can
be
improved
and
the
factional-mindedness
done
away
with.
There
is
a
crisis
brewing
over
the
issue
of
whole
time
workers
of
the
Party.
The
problem
is
on
the
rise
in
most
of
the
districts.
In
a
period
of
long-term
status
quo,
it
is
very
difficult
to
find
wholetimers
with
an
ideology-driven
frame
of
mind
that
rejects
selfishness
and
without
a
wage
that
would
at
least
meet
the
minimum
needs
for
a
living.
There
is
no
situation
where
mutual
sacrifice
of
interests
can
be
said
to
exist.
Factionalism
and
lack
of
principles
have
exerted
an
antithetical
influence.
The
decline
in
the
rate
of
Party
Levy
has
inconvenienced
the
districts.
At
the
same
time,
the
weaknesses
pertaining
to
making
mass
collections
has
not
been
done
away
with.
In
spite
all
this,
one
can
cite
instances
of
several
districts
to
show
that
if
planned
moves
are
made,
the
number
of
wholetimers
can
be
increased.
The
Party
has
initiated
disciplinary
actions
in
manner
that
is
keeping
with
the
Party
Constitution
and
Party
Programme.
Within
the
space
of
a
year,
more
than
300
party
members
have
been
expelled
from
the
Party.
The
rectification
campaign
has
been
going
on
in
West
Bengal.
District-level
campaign
is
going
on.
Three
rounds
of
meetings
in
this
regard
have
taken
place
with
the
district
secretariats,
and
the
district
committees.
It
has
been
found
that
the
bulk
of
the
grievances
and
complaints
received
about
“corrupt
acts”
have,
in
fact,
little
actual
basis.
Nevertheless,
the
Party
has
initiated
the
following
steps
as
tasks
for
the
days
to
come
in
making
the
organisational
base
of
the
Party
bigger
and
stronger.
To
succeed
in
the
task,
we
shall
have
to
take
the
steps
described
below:
i)
The
issues
of
wrong
practices,
deviations,
and
unprincipledness
should
be
discussed
at
every
level
of
the
Party
and
we
shall
have
to
inspire
the
Party
workers
against
these
trends.
The
entire
Party
should
be
inculcated
about
the
reasons
why
the
Party
cannot
survive
without
the
principle
of
democratic
centralism,
and
what
is
the
goal
and
ideal
of
a
Communist
Party.
ii)
As
a
preliminary
step,
the
drive
towards
the
implementation
of
the
principle
of
democratic
centralism
must
start
with
the
members
of
the
state
committee.
Without
dragging
in
the
fall-out
of
the
past
and
rejecting
personal
preference
and
personal
dislikes,
an
initiative
should
be
taken
to
further
unite
the
Party
on
the
basis
of
principles
and
to
take
the
initiative
down
below.
Unless
there
is
unity,
there
cannot
be
a
struggle
launched
against
unethical
and
unprincipled
acts.
iii)
On
spotting
an
unethical
act,
there
should
be
no
fear
in
drawing
the
attention
of
the
committee
to
which
the
person
belongs
or
the
higher
committee.
If
the
accusation
is
false
or
motivated,
the
higher
committee
would
take
a
decision
about
the
person
who
had
lodged
the
complaint,
and
the
committee
to
which
the
person
accused
belongs
shall
have
no
decision
to
make
in
the
matter.
iv)
In
the
event
of
spotting
an
extension
of
property
moveable
and
immovable
without
an
adequate
source
of
income,
the
concerned
worker
should
be
interrogated
and
if
sufficient
grounds
cannot
be
shown
steps
should
be
taken
against
him.
v)
On
a
complaint
being
lodged,
a
one
or
two
member
enquiry
committee
should
be
formed
and
the
work
should
be
attached
priority
and
completed
promptly.
If
a
specific
complaint
is
lodged
at
the
level
of
the
district,
the
concerned
comrades
should
be
summoned
to
the
district
committee
office
and
the
prima
facie
viability
of
the
complaint
should
be
ascertained
and,
if
necessary,
an
enquiry
should
be
made
and
the
case
disposed
of
quickly.
The
same
procedure
can
be
followed
at
the
level
of
the
zone
as
well.
When
a
comrade
is
seen
to
have
committed
an
error,
he
should
be
spoken
to
first,
to
help
him
correct
his
mistake.
vi)
A
political
struggle
should
be
organised
to
win
elections
and
resistance
to
the
terrorist
attacks
of
the
opposition
should
be
conducted
by
taking
along
the
people.
In
offering
resistance,
one
must
never
depend
on
anti-socials.
vii)
In
order
to
do
away
with
all
opacity
in
the
relation
between
the
Party
and
the
mass
organisations,
it
must
be
ensured
that
the
mass
organisations
and
TUs
are
organised
and
run
democratically.
In
place
of
the
predominance
of
the
individual
and
the
authority
of
a
single
person,
joint
leadership
and
joint
organisation
must
be
established.
The
policy
of
proper
maintenance
of
accounts
and
submission
of
the
same
regularly
to
the
concerned
Party
committee
must
be
ensured.
viii)
No
amount
of
money
should
be
collected
without
receipts
and
spending
the
funds
collected
as
one
wishes
would
be
regarded
as
an
offence.
We
should
stress
upon
mass
collections
and
collections
from
Party
sympathisers
at
least
twice
a
year
regularly
and
the
Party
fund
must
be
augmented
to
meet
the
need
at
all
levels.
It
would
be
considered
an
offence
if
used
and
unused
receipts
and
coupons
are
not
returned.
Stress
should
be
on
collection
of
funds
form
factory
workers
and
the
rural
poor.
Similarly,
importance
should
be
given
to
collection
of
funds
from
workers
when
they
receive
bonus
and
from
the
peasants
when
crops
are
harvested.
ix)
People’s
representatives
and
office-bearers
in
the
administration
must
be
guided
by
high
ideals
and
they
must
abide
meticulously
and
with
devotion
to
the
directive
policies
and
principles
of
the
Party.
x)
There
are
many
occasions
when
the
administration
has
to
be
spoken
to.
It
must
be
made
specific
which
comrade
would
speak
to
which
tier
of
the
administration.
It
is
better
if
state
committee
members
in
a
district
committee,
district
committee
members
in
a
zonal
committee,
and
the
secretary
of
the
local
committee
and
members
of
the
zonal
committee
in
the
local
committee
should,
as
per
need,
speak
to
the
concerned
and
concomitant
tier
of
the
administration.
If
the
designated
comrades
are
not
there,
some
other
comrade
can
speak
in
case
of
an
emergent
need.
However,
whether
the
matter
is
emergent
or
not,
the
administration
should
not
be
spoken
to
with
a
factional
attitude.
Cases
where
difference
of
opinion
may
surface
should
be
discussed
earlier
for
amelioration.
xi)
The
comrades
who
work
in
top
administrative
tiers
of
private
institutions
should
remain
accountable
to
the
state,
district,
zonal,
and
local
committees
depending
on
the
area
of
operation
of
the
concerned
institution.
In
cases
of
fairs
and
festivals,
too,
organiser
comrades
must
engage
in
discussions
at
the
appropriate
committee
again
keeping
in
mind
the
area
of
functioning
of
the
fair/festival,
and
the
functions
must
be
organised
under
the
stewardship
of
the
concerned
committee.
In
these
institutions
and
in
the
fairs/festivals,
no
collection
of
funds
should
be
made
in
exchange
of
an
unethical
safeguarding
of
interests
and
no
collection
is
allowed
without
receipts.
If
necessary,
the
concerned
Party
committee
can
verify
the
name
and
the
amount
of
contribution
made
by
the
donors.
xii)
In
assigning
zonal
responsibility
of
the
secretariat
members,
no
more
than
two
comrades
should
be
assigned
per
zone.
The
comrades
responsible
can
always
take
the
help
of
other
comrades
if
found
necessary.
They
should
lead
based
on
unity
among
themselves.
They
must
not
merely
remain
present
in
the
zonal
committee
meetings
but
render
help
as
per
the
necessity
of
the
zonal
units.
The
same
principle
shall
prevail
in
the
committees
below.
When
attending
the
meetings,
state
committee
members
at
district
committee
meetings,
district
committee
members
at
the
zonal
committee
meetings,
and
zonal
committee
members
at
local
committee
meetings
must
not
give
out
different
views
and
opinions.
If
there
is
a
difference
of
opinion,
that
difference
must
be
ironed
out
at
the
next
higher
before
speaking
at
the
concerned
committee
meetings.
xiii)
Importance
must
be
attached
to
the
increase
in
the
readership
of
Party
publications.
A
mass
drive
for
the
sale
of
Party
publications
including
the
dailies
and
the
weeklies
must
be
attempted
at
least
once
a
week
in
the
cities
and
urban
areas,
and
at
least
once
a
month
in
the
rural
areas.
The
habit
of
not
making
prompt
payments
and
allowing
arrears
to
pile
up
should
be
done
away
with.
The
comrades,
who
are
able
to,
should
purchase
Party
publications.
xiv)
Emphasis
must
be
given
to
the
building
up
of
Party
members
from
among
the
toiling
masses
and
the
poor
peasants.
It
is
not
an
easy
task
to
ensure
their
promotion
to
the
rank
of
leadership
but
the
task
must
be
attempted
nonetheless.
If
necessary,
separate
political
camps
should
be
organised
for
those
Party
members
who
are
poor,
who
belong
to
the
toiling
masses,
and
who
remain
backward
in
general
education
but
who
show
a
lot
of
promise.
The
progress
made
in
the
case
of
women
members
is
not
satisfactory.
Not
all
branches
have
women
members.
A
special
plan
must
be
initiated
to
induct
into
the
Party
those
women
who
are
leading
workers
in
various
movements,
and
who
have
been
elected
in
the
three-tier
Panchayat
system.
Proper
preparation
and
placement
of
quarterly
reports
based
on
the
evaluation
of
work
done
at
every
level
based
on
an
objective
evaluation
of
the
workers
should
be
given
importance.
Equally
important
is
the
examination
of
the
reports
at
the
higher
level
and
to
the
removal
of
weaknesses
that
catch
the
attention.
The
vast
mass
base
of
the
CPI
(M)
in
West
Bengal
has
not
grown
in
a
vacuum.
Nor
is
this
mass
base
hollow
in
any
manner.
The
Party
has
earned
this
massive
popularity
and
organisational
strength
through
the
correct
political
stance,
ceaseless
political
campaign,
and
a
burgeoning
political,
economic,
and
ideological
struggle.
The
Party
is
in
the
forefront
of
the
anti-imperialist
struggle.
We
are
continuously
engaged
in
the
task
of
making
the
people
aware
of
the
aggressive
character
of
imperialism
and
organising
them
in
the
anti-imperialist
struggle.
We
have
also
emerged
in
the
forefront
of
the
struggles
and
movements
against
the
neo-liberal
economic
policies.
We
are
resolute
in
struggling
for
the
safeguarding
of
the
interests
of
the
working
people.
The
Party
is
engaged
also
in
the
task
of
organising
a
proper
ideological
struggle
against
religious
fundamentalism.
These
struggles
--
economic,
political,
and
ideological
--
are
innately
bound
up
with
the
rectification
campaign,
and
the
more
the
campaign
becomes
stronger,
the
stronger
the
Party
shall
become.