June 16, 2003
Report on Political Developments
Adopted At The June 07-09, 2003, Central Committee Meeting Held At Kolkata
The international scene was dominated by the criminal war of aggression on
Iraq by the United States and Britain. The consequences of that action are
still unfolding and will have a major impact on relations within the
imperialist bloc and the trend developing towards multi-polarity. Further,
the new aggressive phase, ushered in by September 11, of a US bent upon
extending and consolidating its hegemony, poses serious threats to the
sovereignty and independent decision-making powers of all countries; in
particular of those countries which are not prepared to succumb to its
blandishments.
The invasion of Iraq by the American and British forces took place on
March 20th and the three-week operation has led to the occupation of Iraq by
the imperialist powers. The war on Iraq was long-expected given the
fabricated charges against the Iraqi regime and the build up of the armed
forces in the gulf region. President Bush and Prime Minister Blair were
determined to oust the Saddam Hussein regime and occupy Iraq to
accomplish their aims. For this, it was prepared to defy world opinion and
bypass the United Nations. Throughout the period of the invasion, big
demonstrations involving millions of people took place around the world; a
continuation of the protest marches which preceded the actual war.
The military aggression led to the death of thousands of Iraqi civilians and
many more of its armed forces. Tens of thousands were injured. The
people of Iraq were subjected to an array of destructive weapons such as
cluster bombs, bunker busters and fuel-air explosives. The massive aerial
bombardment destroyed much of the infrastructure of the country. Most of
the cities and towns are without electricity and water supply. Even after six weeks of the occupation, the Americans have failed to unearth any weapons
of mass destruction which was the pretext for their criminal aggression.
US Occupation
The US occupation has ushered in widespread lawlessness and looting
which has made life a misery for its people and destroyed much of the
treasures of Iraq’s rich history. The looting of the National Museum of Iraq
symbolises this vandalism and pillage. The Americans have connived in this
cultural genocide. The US plan is to directly rule Iraq for atleast two years.
In this period, it hopes to set-up a democratic fade and install a pliant
regime. The "reconstruction" of Iraq would mean sharing the spoils of war
for the US corporations and a small bit going to Britain and other allies.
The oil ministry and the oil wells are already under the control of the US.
Reviving the extraction and pumping out of the oil, remains the highest
priority. Already the contracts given out to Bechtel Corp., amounting to
$680 million and to firms like Halliburton portend the fate of Iraq as a
virtual colony.
The plans to install an interim administration consisting of loyal Iraqis by
the end of May had to be given up as the motley crowd of Iraqi leaders
brought back from exile and financed by the United States have no
credibility within Iraq. Popular demonstrations against the US occupation
are growing in numbers and size. With the removal of the Baathist regime,
there has been an assertion of Shia aspirations which is mainly led by the
religious leaders. Being a majority of the population, any democratic set-up
would lead to their having a major share. Given the direct influence of the
Iranian political forces, this is creating grave apprehensions in the
American ruling circles. The recent flurry of warnings to Iran to keep off
Iraq is a recognition of this growing influence.
Once the war began, both France and Germany had to reconcile themselves
to the fact that Iraq would soon be under American occupation. Despite the
earlier sharp divisions, both Chirac and Schroeder expressed the hope that
the war would come to a speedy conclusion. In the post-war scenario, the
feuding powers found it expedient to reach a compromise. The UN
Security Council resolution of May 16 reflected this new accommodation.
The Security Council resolution recognised the US and Britain as the
"occupying authority" in Iraq. It further decided to lift the sanctions
imposed on Iraq, so that the occupying authority can begin the business of
reconstruction of Iraq without constraints. The UN food-for-oil programme
would be phased out in six months, after which Iraqi oil could be freely sold
in the market. The UN will have no real authority in the administration of
Iraq except in an advisory capacity and in the spheres of humanitarian aid
and relief operations.
UN Resolution : Dangerous Implications
The UN Security Council resolution has legitimised the occupation of one of
its member states by two permanent members of its Security Council. This
is a retrograde step as it reverses the role the UN has so far played of a
trustee during the decolonisation process of a country in transition to
independence. In this case, the reverse has happened. The "trusteeship"
has been given over to occupying powers who have violated the sovereignty
of an independent member country. The UN has abandoned its
responsibility towards Iraq after a war, waged against its charter.
The United States, arrogant with its overwhelming power, continues with its
rampage. It does not respect any international norms and expects all
countries to fall in line with its interests. During the war, it threatened Syria
with dire consequences if, it in anyway, helped the remnants of the
Saddam regime. Having got a degree of compliance from the Syrian
government, it has turned its attention to Iran, the second member of the
"axis of evil". The flurry of charges against Iran is meant to check its
direct influence on the Shia population in Iraq. The hawkish sections in the
Bush administration would also like to keep up the momentum to try and
effect "regime change" in Iran. The familiar charges are being trotted out
about Iran’s nuclear potential and the sheltering of Al Qaeda elements
within its borders.
The occupation of Iraq will have far reaching consequences in the Middle
East. America is in control of the world’s second largest oil reserves. It is
bound to establish military bases in Iraq, a direct imperialist presence which
was absent with the overthrow of the pro-western regime in Iraq in 1958.
Far from eliminating terrorism, the US occupation will be a constant
catalyst for terrorist attacks as the suicide bombings in Riyadh in Saudi
Arabia and in Morocco testified. The Saudi regime, which has been the
most loyal to the Americans, is already caught in the vice of growing
fundamentalism which it patronised and its servility to the Americans.
"Road Map" for Palestine
The war on Iraq will herald the next step in the American plan to reorder the
Middle East. The target is now Palestine. The "road map" prepared by the
US for peace between Israel and Palestine has been presented. Prior to that,
the Palestinian side came under tremendous pressure to sideline Yasser
Arafat. A "regime change" was planned for the Palestinians too. A new
Prime Minister, Mahmud Abbas, approved by the western powers had to be
installed. The formation of the Cabinet headed by Abbas took longer as the
choice of the Security Minister was resisted by Arafat.
The peace plan is another effort to cheat the Palestinians of an independent
state. The plan is vague and the stages ambiguous in the road towards a
Palestinian state. All the illegal Jewish settlements upto March 31st, 2001
will remain in the West Bank and Gaza. By 2005, this will mean that the
Palestinians will be given in the name of a State, three enclaves separated by
Jewish settlements. There is no guarantee for the return of 3.5 million
refugees living outside. Yet, this plan with the approval of the EU and
Russia is being imposed on the Palestinian people who have, at this juncture,
nothing else but their will to continue their resistance. Both Iraq and
Palestine are symbolic of the new imperialist colonisation. They will,
therefore, continue to be the most potent symbols of resistance against the
new imperial hegemony and Zionist aggression.
US-DPRK Stand Off
The third member of the "axis of evil", North Korea, has also been
America’s target. After the DPRK announced the re-opening of the nuclear
reactor and its withdrawal from the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, the
Bush administration has been mounting pressure demanding that North
Korea call off its nuclear programme. China which had advocated talks
between the US and the DPRK, agreed to host a meeting in Beijing in April
between the two governments with its own participation.
The Beijing talks can be seen as one step towards the continuing efforts for a
negotiated settlement on the demands made by the DPRK that the US adhere
to the 1994 agreement and the US charge that North Korea is going ahead
with its nuclear weapons programme. The North Korea government has
asserted that they have the right to run their nuclear plant which processes
plutonium for their power needs, since the US reneged on the 1994
agreement. The DPRK has made it clear that it will not be cowed down by
the American invasion of Iraq and is fully prepared to meet any military
threat to its sovereignty and security.
Attacks on Cuba
The climate of US bullying has affected Cuba too. In the recent period, the
US interests section based in Havana has been openly inciting and
supporting opposition elements. The spate of hijackings have been
encouraged by the US providing asylum to the hijackers. In April, the
Cuban government arrested a number of US-sponsored opposition groups
and put them on trial. They were sentenced to prison terms. To curb the
spate of hijackings, three hijackers of a ferry, who killed two people, were
sentenced to death and executed. This caused an uproar outside Cuba with
charges of violation of human rights and brutality leveled against the Cuban
government. President Fidel Castro and the Cuban government have
powerfully rebutted all these charges, including the latest effort by the Bush
administration to paint Cuba as a State sheltering terrorists. The May Day
rally of a million people was an effective demonstration against the US
machinations.
Trends of Multi-polarity
The inter-imperialist contradictions which sharpened over Iraq will be muted
in the post-war period. The recent G-8 summit at Evians, France made such
an effort. But the divisions will remain. One of the threats which America
perceived from Iraq concerned the dollar. In 2000, the Iraqi government had
switched to the euro for its oil dealings with the European Union. The value
of the global oil trade is above $600 billion. The dollar is the currency for
this trade. Any switch from this would fundamentally weaken the US
currency and its economy. With the recent decline in the value of the dollar,
the growing attraction of the euro for the OPEC countries would signify a
serious threat to the pre-eminence of the American currency. America now
has got the upper hand in Iraq but the world capitalist economy is still
plagued by the difficulties of the major capitalist centres. These
contradictions will not disappear. Within the European Union itself, the
conflict will manifest in new forms.
In April, at the Athens European Union summit, formal clearance was given
for eight more countries to join the Union. They are all East European
countries which were former members of the Warsaw Pact and who are at
present loyal allies of the United States. Within the expanded 25-member
Union, the conflicting trends for a strong independent European Union
which serves the interests of countries like France and Germany and the
Atlanticists, i.e., those who advocate close ties with America, which include
the new entrants of Eastern Europe alongside Britain, Spain and others, will
continue.
It is in this background that a complex series of relationships which will
seek to erode or restrain the American superpower and its unilaterism will
continue to evolve. On one side, Russia and China continue to strengthen
their cooperation as seen in the recent visit of Hu Jintao to Moscow and the
joint statement issued. The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Summit
consisting of Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgystan, Tajikistan and
Uzbekistan has met and decided to set-up a permanent secretariat in Beijing.
Four countries of the CIS — Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus and Uzbekistan —
have decided to unify their military command. The United States, on its
part, would seek to find ways to arrive at a more stable understanding with
Russia in order to prevent the consolidation of the three countries — Russia,
France and Germany — who came together on the Iraq issue.
While American economic power and military might still provides it with
the wherewithal to dictate and dominate, the world economic situation
indicates that military power alone will not suffice to sustain its global
hegemony.
World Economy
The report of the March Central Committee meeting had noted that the
United States’ economy has not seen an effective revival and this, in turn, is
affecting the prospects of the world economy at a time when the economies
of the other two major capitalist centres — Japan and Germany — are in a
deflationary state. As far as the US is concerned, the GDP growth last year
was 2.4 per cent, less than what was required to boost the economy. The
unemployment rate remains above six per cent. The huge current account
deficit has been sustained so far by massive inflows from abroad. With the
economy showing no real signs of revival, despite successive cuts in interest
rates, any slowing down of the capital flows which are to the tune of one to
two billion dollars a day would lead to a serious crisis. Currently the US
has run up a national debt of 86.4 trillion dollars. The decline in the value of
the dollar can help to an extent in making imports cheaper but any serious
fall in the value of a dollar can lead to major difficulties for the economy.
That is what is raising fears of deflation in the US when Japan and Germany
are already in such a situation. Japan’s economy has been growing at the
dismal rate of just over one per cent per year, while Germany’s growth rate
has declined in the last quarter of 2002 and the first quarter of 2003. The
OECD outlook for the 30 rich countries forecasts a low growth rate of 1.9
per cent for 2003.
Since the second world war, government spending and low interest rates had
helped pull the US economy out of recessionary spells. But this time,
despite interest rates being cut 12 times in the past three years and the
government’s budget having swung from a $ 237 billion surplus in 2000 to a
projected deficit of $ 300 billion this year, the economy shows no signs of
reviving. Faced with such a situation, hopes rest on the billions of dollars of
contracts which "reconstruction" of Iraq will bring and the lucrative income
which can flow from the Iraqi oil industry. Thus, the US hopes to not only
overcome but firmly establish its hold over the capitalist world economy.
It is in this backdrop that the United States is seeking to use its global war
against terrorism after September 11, 2001 to shift the terms further in
favour of US capitalism. Unlike in the military sphere where its dominance
is overwhelming, in the economic sphere, the contest is less unequal and will
become more intense.
Another feature of the post-1991 world situation is that all the imperialist
powers stand united when it comes to imposing burdens on the third world
and the developing countries. The slowdown in world trade and the bleak
prospects for growth at the global level means greater pressures on the
poorer countries. This will be manifested in the WTO ministerial meeting to
be held at Cancun in September, where GATS and other issue will be taken
up for discussion.
The drive for total hegemony by the US and for extending its economic
interests by aggressive military actions and unilateralism will be met with
resistance not only from people around the world but from its imperialist
partners. Despite its triumph over Iraq, at no time has America been so
reviled and opposed by different forces around the world. The feeling
roused in this period against the US war on Iraq has to be channelised to
strengthen the anti-imperialist struggles and the movement against
imperialist driven globalisation.
Sri Lanka: Talks Stall
The negotiations which began between the Sri Lankan government and the
LTTE fifteen months ago with Norwegian mediation, stalled with the LTTE
unilaterally announcing on April 21 that it was suspending further talks. The
LTTE announced it would not attend a donors conference to be held in
Tokyo in June. The LTTE was also unhappy at not being invited to a peace
conference held in Washington given the fact that the US still lists it as a
terrorist organization. There are two major reasons for the breakdown of the
talks. The first is the demand of the LTTE that an interim administration
outside the purview of the current unitary Constitution be set up in the
Tamil areas. The second is the demand that the Sri Lankan armed forces
remove its high security zones from the Jaffna peninsula. The government
stand is that any administrative set-up has to be under the Constitution and it
has offered as an alternative a development-oriented structure. As for
relocating the troops out of Jaffna, it is linked to the demand for the
demilitarization of the LTTE.
The problem is complicated by the different positions adopted by President
Chandrika Kumaratunga and Prime Minister Wickramasinghe. The
President has said that any step to set-up an interim administration outside
the Constitution will be illegal and she would dismiss the government if it
agrees to it. She is also critical of the Norwegian mediators, charging them
with trying to undermine Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. With the relations
between the President and Prime Minister deteriorating, the chances of an
early settlement are also difficult. Despite these problems, all mainstream
parties want the talks to continue, which also reflects the desire of the people
for peace.
India-China Relations
There have been some steps taken in the recent period which augur well for
India-China relations. The visit of Defence Minister George Fernandes in
April has helped the ongoing dialogue between the two armed forces. This is
being followed up by the visit of the Prime Minister to China later this
month. In the meantime, there was a meeting between Vajpayee and the
Chinese President Hu Jintao in Moscow. The visit to China is expected to
give an impetus to the work being done by the Joint Working Group on the
boundary dispute.
Indian Stand on Iraq
The Vajpayee government adopted a double-faced stand throughout the war
on Iraq. It refused to categorically oppose the war being planned by the
United States. But it was forced by public opinion and the opposition parties
demands to agree to a resolution in Parliament which opposed the war and
called for the withdrawal of US and British troops from Iraq. Even here it
adamantly refused to use the term condemn to characterize the aggression.
Soon after, the BJP-led government was eager to erase this trace of criticism
of the US action and to make amends. It got the opportunity when the US
asked India to send a contingent of troops for policing the country under US
occupation. The Indian government was ready to comply and kept a division
of the army ready for the purpose. However, since this would not be part of
an UN peacekeeping force, the government was forced to wait for the UN to
adopt a resolution on Iraq.
The U.N. Security Council adopted a resolution which recognized the US as
the occupying authority. It did not sanction a UN peacekeeping force. The
US would run Iraq as the occupying authority and not the UN. The
government is trying to get over this problem by citing a clause in the
resolution which calls upon member states to cooperate in stabilizing the
situation in Iraq.
The US wants to withdraw the bulk of its troops deployed in Iraq as it does
not want its army to do the job of policing and putting down the continuing
protests. It has approached l5 countries to send troops to replace its armed
forces. It will be shameful if the Indian government sends the Indian army to
do the job of policing under an illegal American occupation. It will mean our
soldiers will have to suppress the people who are opposed to the American
occupation. Our soldiers cannot be made to act as paid mercenaries of the
US. The Party must conduct a big campaign to stop the sending of Indian
troops to Iraq.
Since the last Central Committee meeting in March, the Party intensified the
anti-war campaign given the imminence of the US attack. After the war
began, the Party organized, along with other Left and democratic parties big
anti-war protests. Such protests were conducted in all the states, the notable
being in Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Hyderabad, Kochi, Kannur, Alleppey,
Bhopal, Guwahati, Bhubaneswar, Chandigarh, Lucknow, Patna and other
state capitals. The biggest anti-war demonstration took place in Kolkata on
March 30 in which several hundred thousand people participated. West
Bengal witnessed a sustained fortnight long anti-war campaign. In many
places, local protests were organised by groups, some spontaneously. The
movement would have acquired a wider sweep if the non-Left parties had
gone to the people and mobilised them. The Congress was the main culprit
in this regard. It did not even agree to be part of the joint call given by eight
parties to observe March 31 as a national day of protest.
India-Pakistan Relations
A new turn was given to Indo-Pakistan relations after the Prime Minister’s
speech at Srinagar in which he called for resuming talks with Pakistan. This
opened the way for efforts to revive dialogue between the two countries and
escalate tensions. This is a welcome development. Since the failure of the
Agra summit in January, 2001, the Party has been advocating the resumption
of bilateral dialogue which would cover all outstanding issues between the
two countries. However, with the September 11 events and the US military
attack on Afghanistan, both the Vajpayee government and the Musharaff
regime began to rely on the US to act as the mediator between the two
countries. After the terrorist attack on Parliament on December l3, 2001,
tensions escalated dramatically and India stationed half a million troops on
the border, with Pakistan doing the same. The US government sent a series
of its representatives to intercede between the two countries. Contrary to the
BJP government’s expectation, the US relied heavily on the Pakistani regime
in its operations to oust the Taliban regime and occupy Afghanistan. It
continues its close military coordination with the Pakistani regime to
apprehend the Al-Qaeda elements.
The US has been mounting pressure on both governments to resume talks.
Colin Powell promised to turn his attention to the sub-continent once the war
on Iraq was over. It is in such a situation that the Vajpayee initiative has
taken place. Despite this background, resumption of a bilateral dialogue is in
the interests of both countries. There should be sufficient ground prepared
for the dialogue to be sustained and for the agenda to be finalized. There are
many hostile elements working on both sides, but among the common
people there is an urge for peace and normalcy. Promoting a composite
dialogue on all outstanding issues will help to normalise relations.
Immediately the return of high commissioners and restoring travel links will
help to improve relations.
Jammu & Kashmir
Within Jammu and Kashmir the situation is favourable for talks for a
political solution. The assembly elections and the assumption of an elected
government relatively devoid of the past practices of rigging, has roused the
expectations of the people. The political process has been enlivened to some
extent. However, the Centre is unable to take any serious initiative in this
regard. The NN Vohra mission cannot be expected to yield much result
given the earlier experiences with similar envoys. The Central government
must seriously discuss with the state government and the elected
representatives on how to promote a wide-ranging dialogue with all groups
and forces. The stumbling block has been the BJP’s stand on Article 370 and
rejection of autonomy. The question of devolving maximum autonomy
within the framework of the Indian Union cannot be avoided anymore.
It is apprehending this favorable situation, that the hardcore extremist groups
stepped up their violent attacks to vitiate the atmosphere. The horrible
massacre at Nadimarg in which 24 people belonging to the pandit
community were killed was designed to create communal tensions. The
jehadi groups are desperately trying to step up their attacks on the security
forces. The Indo-Pakistan dialogue will be a further setback to these
fundamentalist forces.
Political Situation
As the assembly elections to the four states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh,
Chattisgarh and Delhi near, the political tussle between the BJP and the
Congress has intensified. The fifth state Mizoram is not in the same category
as the other four, as the main fight is not between these two parties. For both
these parties, the stakes are high. The Congress runs the government in all
these four states. It is intent on retaining them. For the BJP, all the four
states have been its traditional strongholds. It has ruled in all the three states
(Chattisgarh was part of Madhya Pradesh) in the past. Together, these states
have 72 members in the Lok Sabha. So these elections have a bearing on the
next parliament elections too.
The BJP has been occupied with the preparations for these elections. During
the February Union Cabinet reshuffle, the BJP selected its leaders to head
the campaign in these states by sending Uma Bharati and Vijayraje Scindia
to MP and Rajasthan respectively. In the recent Cabinet reshuffle, two more
ministers were added from these states. The BJP has not bothered to
camouflage the fact that it is now completely dominating the Cabinet at the
expense of its NDA partners. Among those inducted are Chinmayanand, a
VHP swami who is a leading light in the Ram temple movement. He has
been allotted a portfolio in the Home Ministry. There can be no greater
signal as to who calls the shots within the government. The Cabinet
reshuffle has not strengthened the coalition. The exit of Ajit Singh from the
Ministry and the fiasco over the induction of Mamata Banerjee highlight
the further marginalisation of the non-BJP parties.
In Uttar Pradesh, the opposition to the BSP-BJP government has
strengthened with the Ajit Singh-led RLD joining hands with the Samajwadi
party and the Congress decision to work together with the rest of the
opposition. This has revived the chances of putting the Mayawati
government in the dock.
RSS-BJP Coordination
The RSS has directly intervened to ensure coordination between its different
affiliates and to smoothen government-party relations. The RSS convened a
three-day meeting in Delhi in April which was attended by all the important
ministers and leaders belonging to the RSS starting from Vajpayee, Advani,
Joshi and others. Sudarshan, the RSS chief, presided. It was decided that
each RSS organisation, though it would function independently, would
coordinate its activities with the others. Significantly, the BJP leadership
assured that it was committed to the Ram temple and to help the VHP’s
efforts in this regard.
The RSS orchestrating the BJP and government is no more sought to be
hidden and is proclaimed openly. Such conclaves testify to this organic link.
The refusal by the Supreme Court to vacate the stay on the acquired land at
Ayodhya has not deterred the BJP government or the RSS combine. The
Court order to excavate the land beneath the site where the Masjid stood, is
part of a plan to give the temple demand legitimacy by spurious
archaeological evidence. The government has followed this up with a
submission before the Liberhan Commission that there is historical evidence
substantiating that a Ram temple existed at the site where the Masjid stood.
The VHP’s programme of trishul distribution particularly in the states like
Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh was meant to raise communal tensions and
help the BJP with communal polarization. The decision of the Rajasthan
government to ban such ceremonies and the action taken in arresting
Togadia, who sought to defy the ban, showed how a firm stand can counter
such disruptive activities. However, the Congress leadership does not have a
common stand on the matter. In Kerala, A.K. Antony, the Chief Minister
announced that he saw no need to ban a similar ceremony in the state and
justified it in the name of maintaining harmony between different
communities. In Madhya Pradesh, the Congress leadership has displayed
crass opportunism in competing with the BJP for a Hindu platform. After
advocating a total national ban on cow slaughter, the Chief Minister
Digvijay Singh went ahead with raising issues such as Uma Bharati’s
polluting a Hanuman temple by offering a cake to the deity and organizing
religious recitals by her brother who defected from the BJP.
Congress Conclave
The Congress party has also been gearing up to face the elections. The
Srinagar conclave of l5 Congress Chief Ministers was meant to streamline
the state governments’ functioning and to highlight the positive aspects of
their functioning. It also saw the pronouncement by Sonia Gandhi that the
Congress is willing to enter into electoral alliances to take on the BJP-led
alliance. The decision, though belated, to join hands with the Samajwadi
party and other opposition parties in Uttar Pradesh will be helpful in fighting
the BJP-BSP combine.
Party’s Stand on Forthcoming Assembly Polls
In the four states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh and Delhi the
main fight will be between the Congress and the BJP. The BJP will try hard
to make a comeback in these traditional bastions. That will give a big boost
to the BJP and the communal forces. The aim must be to prevent it from
coming to power and run governments in these states. These elections are
also important as they will have a direct bearing on the Lok Sabha polls.
In the four states, the Congress governments have been implementing the
policies of liberalisation and privatisation. There is also popular discontent
because of their failure to tackle the drought effectively and to deal with
other problems of the people. In such a situation, while calling for the defeat
of the BJP we should also expose the Congress government’s record and
oppose the anti-people policies.
Neither the Left nor the non-Congress secular parties have any significant
strength in these states except a few pockets. We should contest a limited
number of seats where we can effectively intervene in the electoral arena
and which can help us to strengthen our mass base. We should adjust with
the CPI and secular opposition parties in those seats where they have a base
and in general call for the defeat of the BJP. Our Party should conduct an
independent campaign in this regard.
Economic Situation
The effects of the deep agrarian crisis are being experienced by the vast
sections of the rural population. The adverse effects of the drought
conditions, which began in 2002, continue. There has been a fall in the
production of crops allround adding to the squeeze on the purchasing power
of the peasantry. It is not just the drought which is responsible for the
distress in the agrarian sector. A decade of cuts in public investment in
agriculture has had its direct impact on rural employment.
In a situation where employment as a whole is shrinking, rural employment
is the worst affected. NSS data shows that the annual growth rate of
employment in the rural areas has plunged from 2.03 per cent between 1987-
88 to 1993-94 to 0.58 per cent between 1993-94 to 1999-2000. This is well
below the rate of growth of rural population which indicates a substantial
increase in rural unemployment.
According to a study done by Prof. Utsa Patnaik, the absolute amount of per
capita food availability in the year 2002-03 was the lowest of the last six
decades and lower than the years of the second world war, which saw the
Bengal famine. The agricultural distress is manifested in continuing
suicides by farmers and the mass migration of rural poor to urban centres
and to other states to work on below subsistence level wages. The suffering
of the people has been enhanced by the paltry and inefficient drought relief
measures taken, whether it be in Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh or other states.
The Central government stubbornly refuses to release the huge stock of
foodgrains for a massive `food for work’ programme, which can generate
employment and create rural infrastructure which has been starved of public
funds. In the coming days, the Party will have to actively intervene to take
up the issues affecting the rural poor and the peasantry. The situation will
worsen further if monsoons are deficient this year too. Already the heat
wave around the country has caused a lot of suffering. More than one
thousand people have died in Andhra Pradesh alone. Most of them are the
poorest sections whose physical debility has precipitated these deaths.
The Central government has been trying to push forward its privatisation
drive of the public sector units even as it faces growing resistance. The
government was put on the defensive on the HPCL and BPCL disinvestment
proposals in both Houses of Parliament. Due to allround opposition in
Orissa, the Nalco sell off had to be indefinitely postponed. Now the
government is aiming to disinvest part of the shares it holds. The
government is pushing forward with opening defence production to the
private sector and the privatisation of major airports.
In defence production, the government has approved the production of
weaponry such as missiles, torpedos, guns and ammunition in the private
sector. While Indian private sector can have 100 per cent ownership in the
defence industry, foreign direct investment is also allowed upto 26 per cent.
By letting foreign arm manufacturers to build factories and having share
with the local partners, the Vajpayee government has opened the vital
defence industry sector to the big multinational arms manufacturers. It is
significant to note that neither China nor Pakistan, our neighbouring
countries, have gone so far. With this opening up, there is no vital sector
left which has not been opened to foreign capital by the Vajpayee
government.
West Bengal Victory in Panchayat Elections
The West Bengal panchayat elections assumed national significance being
the sixth successive elections held after the path-breaking measures taken in
rural Bengal in implementing land reforms and nurturing local democracy
through panchayat system. The CPI(M) and the Left Front had to face a
concerted and determined vilification campaign from its opponents and the
media during the election campaign. The main opposition parties — the
Trinamool Congress, the BJP and the Congress — came to an understanding
to fight the elections. Such an understanding extended to one-third of the
total seats and they roped in some of the smaller parties like the
Jharkhandis and splinter groups like the PDS and two of the major naxalite
groups.
Having no policy framework to counter the Left Front’s remarkable record in
the panchayati system, the rural vested interests rallying behind the
opposition resorted to physical attacks and killings targetting the CPI(M).
This was then distorted and portrayed as a rein of terror being created by the
CPI(M). Of the 42 people killed during the entire campaign, 26 belong to
the CPI(M). This, in itself, nailed the lie about the CPI(M)-sponsored
violence. What was witnessed in the elections was a sharp class struggle
with the rural vested interests out to deprive the rural poor of their gains.
The performance of the CPI(M) and the Left Front this time was better than
in the 1998 polls. The Left Front won 65.7 per cent of the gram panchayat
seats; 74.2 per cent of the panchayat samiti seats; and 86.7 per cent of the
zilla parishad seats. Of these, the CPI(M) alone got 58.6 per cent of the
gram panchayat seats; 67.4 per cent of the panchayat samiti seats; and 76.8
per cent of the zilla parishad seats — altogether in the total three-tier seats,
the CPI(M) got 60.05 per cent. Of the total seats, the Left Front won 67.2
per cent this time as compared to 58 per cent in 1998. This sweeping
victory is a striking endorsement by the rural people of the Left Front’s
performance in the panchayat system.
The Trinamool-BJP alliance has suffered a serious defeat — the BJP
managing to win only one seat in the zilla parishads in the entire state. The
victory of the Left Front has once again highlighted the relevance of the
alternative policies adopted by the CPI(M) and the Left Front government in
West Bengal.
This victory has been achieved in the face of a determined onslaught by the
bourgeois-landlord parties. As in the case of the Tripura elections, the Left
forces have to face an allround attack which seeks to dislodge it from its
vantage positions. This victory is, therefore, highly commendable and
testifies to the deep-roots of the Party and the Left among the people in West
Bengal.
Tripura
After the decisive victory registered by the CPI(M) and the Left Front in the
recent assembly elections, the extremist forces have sought to vent their
frustration by intensifying their attacks on innocent people in remote areas.
On May 6, at Satchhari, a remote hamlet close to the Bangladesh border, a
NLFT extremist gang committed a brutal massacre, killing 21 people and
injuring six. Most of those killed were supporters of the CPI(M). This was
followed by another attack, the next day, when another extremist gang killed
nine people at Maharchhara at Kalayanpur market place in Khowai sub-
division. Apart from this, key CPI(M) cadres and their families have been
targetted and assassinated.
After the elections, the bulk of the Central security forces which were
deployed have been withdrawn. Despite repeated requests, the borders are
undermanned with insufficient deployment of the Border Security Force.
The Central government, which goes on proclaiming its commitment to fight
terrorism, must address the terrorist violence in Tripura in a more serious
fashion and ensure adequate deployment of security forces to check the
extremist gangs which cross the border for their nefarious activities.
The Congress party is continuing its tie-up with the INPT disregarding the
adverse verdict given by the people on this unscrupulous alliance. The Left
Front government has to take up its commitments to the people for ensuring
development and providing relief to the people, while taking strong
measures to put down the terrorist depredations.
Kerala Events
During the last Central Committee meeting in March, the Muthanga forest
firing incident had taken place and a demand for a judicial enquiry raised.
In the face of the adamant stand of the Antony government not to order such
an enquiry, a big struggle was launched on this demand. The LDF called
for the picketing of police headquarters in all district centres on March 17.
On that day, the police unleashed brutal repression, the like of which had
not been seen in Kerala for a long time. Hundreds of CPI(M) and LDF
activists were injured in brutal lathicharges. Amongst those seriously
injured were members of the state secretariat, Sivadasa Menon and
Karunakaran and CPI(M) MPs, N.N. Krishnadas and Ajayakumar. Around
800 persons had to be treated in hospitals. The Antony government finally
ordered a CBI enquiry as directed by the National Human Rights
Commission which did not accept the report submitted by the state
government. Such repression was resorted to by a government which is
facing increasing opposition for policies which seek to reverse the
progressive gains made in the state.
It is in this background that a division surfaced within the Congress party
during the elections to the Rajya Sabha. The group headed by Karunakaran
put up its own candidate against the official nominee and polled 26 votes.
At the instance of the Congress high command, efforts have been made to
maintain unity, but the differences persist.
The UDF, being a combination of all caste and communal forces led by the
Congress, has followed a policy of appeasing different communal groups
with the sole purpose of consolidating its power and to isolate the CPI(M)
and the LDF. The harmful effects of such a policy are being witnessed in
the state. The recent killings in Marad near Kozhikode where nine people
were massacred by a gang of Muslim extremists is a danger signal. This
attack was in retaliation to the communal violence which erupted last year in
the same place. The RSS has its influence amongst the Hindu fishermen
community and Muslim extremists like the NDF are making inroads among
the Muslim fishermen. The spurt in communal and caste activities, instead
of being combated, is actually being nurtured by the Antony government.
This was seen in the refusal to prohibit the VHP’s trishul distribution
ceremony and the failure to take strong action against organisations like the
NDF.
The BJP is seeking to exploit the caste and communal platform as seen in
the wooing of the SNDP and appearance of BJP leaders like Advani and
M.M. Joshi on its platform. The Party and the Left and democratic forces in
Kerala will have to intensify their efforts to combat all these reactionary
forces both on the political and ideological plane and to rally all sections of
the working people to fight back the efforts to inject sectarian ideologies and
divisive politics in the state.
Women’s Reservation
The Vajpayee government decided to table the women’s reservation bill for
adoption in the Lok Sabha in the last session. This followed an all parties
meeting and the usual plea that no consensus could be arrived at. However,
when the Congress President and the CPI(M) leader in the Lok Sabha gave
in writing that they are committed to support the bill in the present form, the
Government was forced to take up the bill. The bill was faced with
opposition from the Samajwadi party, the RJD, the JD(U) and some others.
But those supporting the bill had three fourths support in the house. Yet, the
Prime Minister decided to refer the matter to the Speaker, who after another
all parties meeting decided to defer the matter, till an agreement was arrived
at. The BJP is veering to the position which is that of the Samajwadi party
and some others that it is better to change the method of reservation by
reserving one- third of the list of candidates put up by each party. The
CPI(M) has taken a firm stand in support of implementing the one-third
reservation in seats as provided in the bill.
There have been other measures announced by the Vajpayee government
which require a critical response.
Change in Procedure of Election for Rajya Sabha
The government has got a bill passed in Parliament which will
fundamentally change the method of election to the Rajya Sabha and also
bring about a basic change in the character of the Council of States. The
legislation makes a change in the criteria for being a candidate for the Rajya
Sabha elections. It does away with the requirement that a candidate belong
to the state concerned. Anyone can now contest for a Rajya Sabha seat, if
he/she is enrolled as a voter anywhere in the country. This goes against the
basic premise of the Rajya Sabha as provided in the Constitution that it is a
Council of States recognising the federal principle.
The second change made is in the mode of election. The legislation
provides for an open ballot by members of the legislative assembly to elect
Rajya Sabha members, instead of the present secret ballot system. The
democratic structure existing at all levels involves secret ballot for any
election. This is an inherent part of the democratic system. The secret
ballot has been given up because of the inability of some parties to exercise
minimum discipline over their MLAs. Floor crossing and bribery should not
be checked by giving up the principle of secret ballot.
It is surprising that the legislation got the support of the Congress and other
major opposition groups. It is necessary to explain the harmful
consequences of this decision to the people and all democratic forces rallied
against the erosion of the basic principles contained in the Constitution.
Size of Ministries
The Union Cabinet has decided to bring a bill to limit the size of the
ministries at the Central and state levels. This would require a constitutional
amendment. The CPI(M) is in favour of limiting the size of the ministries
given the overall trend of expanding the ministries to huge numbers. But the
government proposal is self-serving and flawed. It proposes the size be
limited to ten percent of both the upper and lower houses of parliament and
in the case of the states ten percent of the unicameral or bicameral
legislature. By this the Central ministry can be the size of 79 (ten percent of
790 MPs).
All recommendations for reforms so far have suggested that the size of the
ministry should be limited to ten percent of the lower house. Even the
Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution which is cited by
the Cabinet for its proposal has recommended that the limit be ten percent of
the popularly elected house.
The Vajpayee government was already 78 when the proposal was made and
with the recent reshuffle it has gone up to 80. This is the biggest ministry
after independence with 60 ministers alone from the BJP. If the actual
recommendation of ten per cent of the lower house is accepted, then the
Union Ministry cannot be more than 54. Further some states which have
upper houses can have bigger ministries as compared to equally big states
who have only the lower house. Checking the increasing size of ministries
and wastage of public money requires that the limit be kept to 10 percent of
the lower house. Some relaxation can be given to smaller states with less
than l00 member in the legislature as in the case of the north-eastern states.
National Judicial Commission
The proposal to set up a Commission is supported by the CPI(M) and other
parties and lawyers groups. However the composition of the Commission
suggested by the Cabinet does not give any independent character to the
body. First of all, it has representatives only from the higher judiciary
(three), the executive(the Law Minister) and an eminent person nominated
by the Prime Minister. There are no jurists or members of the bar to provide
it with an independent character. The government has to reconsider the
composition of the Commission and come up with a fresh proposal.
Supreme Court Judgment Facilitates Profiteering in Education
The Supreme Court judgment in the Pai Foundation versus the State of
Karnataka has led to a complete deregulation of private institutions in the
matter of charging fees and admission norms. The 11 member Constitution
bench was meant to look into the position of minority-run institutions but its
verdict covers all private institutions. The judgment has overturned the
social control over private professional educational institutions set out in the
earlier Unnikrishnan case. By this judgement, the floodgates have been
opened for a market-centred, commercialized higher educational system.
Students and their parents will have to pay exorbitant fees and the concept
that education is a “public good†and a basic right has been done away with.
The CPI(M) strongly opposes this concept of higher education and calls for
effective legislation to empower the State to regulate private educational
institutions in the matter of admission norms and fees.
21st May Strike
The 21st May general strike called by the Central trade unions and supported
by the national platform of mass organisations was a good success and met
with a big response from the working class and other sections of the working
people like the peasantry, agricultural workers, women, students and youth.
The strike was one of the major working class actions in recent times. The
general strike was by and large successful in the coal, port and dock,
fertiliser, steel, banking and insurance, oil and defence industry. The strike
also met with response from state government employees in some of the
states and sections of the employees of the Central government. Workers in
the unorganised sector also participated in the strike action in large numbers.
The general strike assumed the shape of a bandh in West Bengal, Kerala and
Tripura and the general strike had a wider impact in states like Andhra
Pradesh, Jharkhand, Assam and Orissa. Thousands of activists picketing the
work places were arrested. So were peasants and other sections participating
in the rail and rasta roko in different parts of the country. There were
lathicharges in scores of places. In many places, workers belonging to the
INTUC or the BMS unions joined the strike call.
The momentum built up by 21st May strike must be carried forward, so that
the struggle against the policies of the Centre and those state governments
pursuing such policies can be fought with greater vigour.
Conclusion
In the coming period, the growing economic difficulties of various sections
of the working people must be taken up by the Party at all levels. The
impact of the Central government policies and that of the state governments
which follow similar policies are leading to growing hardship for rural and
urban poor and the middle classes. Rising unemployment, privatisation,
deterioration in civic facilities, public health and education, erosion of
savings by the drastic cut in interest rates and openly naked pro-rich policies
are all issues on which the people can be moved for local struggles and to
develop wider movements. The Party must work towards carrying forward
the countrywide resistance against the economic policies which has got a
fillip from the May 21st general strike.
The distress amongst the peasantry caused by the agrarian crisis as a result
of the policies of the government must be taken up as an urgent priority.
Issues of crash in prices, lack of credit, usurious debt, lack of electricity and
other inputs, employment, decent wages and provision for cheap food for the
rural poor are all to be taken up urgently by the kisan and agricultural
workers movement with the active participation of the Party.
The Party must work towards rallying all the democratic and secular forces,
so that the BJP and the RSS outfits who are out to communalise the
atmosphere are checked and isolated from the people. In this context,
wherever the BJP makes a bid to expand its influence and consolidate its
hold, the Party must work out appropriate tactics to rally wider sections of
people against these moves.
The Vajpayee government’s pro-US imperialist policies came to the fore
during the war on Iraq. The campaign to expose this pro-imperialist policy
and link it to the imperialist penetration in our economy and society and to
rouse anti-imperialist feelings, so that the fight for the reversal of such
policies can be strengthened must be taken up as a basic task.
In the recent period, many social questions have come to the fore. The
menace of dowry has affected all strata of families and inflicts misery on
tens of thousands of young women. The Party must take the lead in fighting
against such social oppression. The Party should continue to champion the
cause of women’s reservation in the legislatures and Parliament.
The Party should conduct a fortnight long campaign from August 16 to 31 to
highlight these issues: Economic policies which erode sovereignty and have
ruined the livelihood of millions of peasants, workers, artisans and
agricultural workers will be one of the themes of the campaign. The
campaign will also take up the threat posed by the communal agenda of the
BJP-RSS combine and its fall-out. The Party will also highlight the growing
influence of imperialism in our society due to the pro-imperialist policies of
the Vajpayee government. The Party will put forward its alternative policies
on all these issues during the campaign. The campaign will culminate in
state-level rallies.
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