On behalf of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), M. A. Baby, General Secretary, has submitted a Memo on Census 2027, to the Registrar General of India and Census Commissioner. We are herewith releasing the text of the Memo for publication.


Memo on Census 2027

Census 2027 is underway now. While in some places the first phase of house listing has just begun, in the snow bound areas the second phase with the option of self-enumeration has commenced. 

The Census is not merely a statistical exercise. It determines how the State understands the population and provides the basis for planning, allocation of resources and, ultimately, political representation. The Census 2027 therefore assumes particular significance, coming after a gap of sixteen years and at a time when several other exercises affecting citizenship, electoral rights and political representation are underway.

That this exercise is being utilised to serve the narrow political agenda of the BJP has become abundantly clear with the inclusion of questions that would normally not have found place in such an exercise as also the methodology used to collect data. There is no other explanation for collecting data of both parents, their religion, place of birth, etc.

The notified questionnaire for the second phase also raises several other serious concerns which we would like to highlight.

Collection of Personal Information

The questionnaire goes well beyond conventional Census information collection. It seeks Aadhaar, voter ID, passport and mobile-number details, as well as information on the number of bank accounts and other personal particulars. It is also strange that information is sought on the respondents’ spouse.

Even while at places it is described as voluntary or qualified by “if available”, there is every danger that respondents will be compelled to part with these details when asked by a government official. It would be far-fetched to expect the enumerator to convey to every household which is being enumerated that disclosure of such details is voluntary. 

There is also the larger concern of data linkage. When caste, religion, disability, migration, occupation and family information are collected alongside individual identifiers, the possibility of linking Census information with other government databases becomes a serious issue.

Census and the Linkages

These concerns acquire added significance in the context of the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. SIR has already shifted the onus of proof onto citizens with extensive demands of documents and verification. While the Census is formally distinct from SIR, yet the simultaneous expansion of personal data collection, electoral-roll verification and debates around citizenship creates legitimate concerns about the eventual use and linkage of information.

Census and Delimitation

The timing of the Census is also significant because the constitutional freeze on the allocation of Lok Sabha and Assembly seats between States operates until the first Census after 2026. The next Census will therefore provide the population basis for the forthcoming delimitation exercise. This makes the Census far more than a demographic exercise. It will have consequences for the future distribution of political representation between States.

The experience of States that have successfully pursued population stabilisation cannot be ignored. States must not be penalised politically for having successfully implemented population stabilisation policies. Nor can delimitation be undertaken without addressing its implications for federalism and the political balance between States.

Caste Enumeration

The methodology adopted for enumeration of caste raises serious concerns. Except for the Scheduled Castes/Tribes who can chose their caste/tribe from an available list, for others it is to be recorded “as declared by the respondent”. The absence of a comprehensive pre-defined list or structured mechanism for recording the general caste question, will lead to a multitude of entries of castes and sub-castes. It will not be possible to get accurate figures and defeats the very purpose of the exercise.

That this is intentional becomes clear by the refusal to collect data in a structured manner using a scientifically prepared caste classification and coding system. The design itself is flawed and meant to be so.

Undercounting Disability

Whereas the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 recognises 21 specified disabilities, the Census framework reportedly clubs several disabilities together and leaves some out altogether. In the exercise underway there are only nine distinct categories. This will not give accurate data on each specific disability leading to not just undercounting but also has implications for planning, budgetary allocations, schemes etc.

We therefore demand:

1. An immediate all-party consultation on the Census methodology;

2. No personal details like religion of parents, their details, details of bank accounts, Aadhaar and other ID numbers and all other such information – will be collected;

3. A scientifically designed and transparent caste classification and coding system;

4. Strict safeguards against linking Census data with electoral, Aadhaar, welfare or citizenship databases;

5. Protection against the use of Census information for citizenship determination or electoral exclusion;

6. A transparent public discussion on the implications of the Census for delimitation and federalism; and

7. Enumeration of all 21 disabilities recognised under the RPwD Act.

(M. A. Baby)

General Secretary