21st Bihar State Conference of CPI (M) was held at Bettiah (W. Champaran) from 5 to 7 Feb 2015. The conference venue, Town Hall was named after com Samar Mukharjee, a former P.B.M who used to guide the State Party in the eighties and nineties. The portraits of Hugo Chavez on the podium and Samar Mukharjee on the dais symbolised their contributions to the revolutionary struggles of peoples in Latin America for a progressive alternative to neo-liberal policies as well as the struggles of Indian people for a left and democratic alternative respectively.

Open Session

The conference started with a largely attended open session despite an inclement weather at 3 pm on the 5th Feb. Com Prakash Karat, Com. S.R.P., Com Brinda Karat and  Com Hannan Mollah  participated from the Centre. Com Vijay Kant Thakur, the then State Secretary presided.

Delegate Session

The delegate session was inaugurated by the Party General Secretary. Earlier the Red flag was hoisted by com Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi and homage to martyr was paid by all the central leaders as well as the delegates and members of the reception committee and volunteers. The state secretary presented the political- organisation report.


The political-organisational report briefly reviewed the international situation and the tasks, namely our effort to build a strong anti-imperialist movement as part of left and democratic movement. The report outlined the developments after the 20th Congress, and noted self-critically that we must make more efforts to oppose the policies of U.S.-led imperialist globalization and anti-people neo-liberal policies perused by the ruling classes, particularly by the Modi govt in India. The party must make efforts to report the important developments to the DCs and LCs and branch secretaries so that we could develop our ability to mobilise more people in our programme and influence the public opinion.

The report reviewed the national situation and tasks as outlined in the 20th Congress and the developments thereafter particularly after the defeat of UPA-2 in Lok Sabha elections, 2014 and installation of Modi govt. at the centre. The BJP led-NDA govt at the centre is perusing the neo-liberal policies aggressively in further right ward shift in Indian politics. BJP-RSS are also perusing their Hindutva agenda for sharper communal polarisation. We must meet this challenge by increasing our ability to launch powerful independent struggles, build left unity and work towards a left and democratic alternative to counter the bourgeois landlord ideology and politics. Since the economic and foreign policies of the ruling BJP and the main opposition party, Congress are similar and the regional parties generally share power with one of the two coalitions in the Centre, we should also try to utilise the contradictions of the ruling classes, but that depends mainly on our independent strength and ability to lead popular mass moments on the issues of common people, particularly, the rural and urban poor, dalits, minorities and women. In Hindi region, we frequently find sharp reactions and spontaneous movements on various issues in absence of organised movements and limited appeal of the left parties. We must intervene into this and try and give direction and reach newer sections of people.


20the state conference had called upon the party to mobilise the working class and working people along with the rural poor in the centre, and build powerful movements for social change, and thereby develop our independent strength, strengthen left unity and expand our political influence as Bihar has a rich tradition of peasant movements and struggles against feudalism. We must sharpen class and mass democratic struggles, politicise the militant workers emerging from these struggles and recruit them in our party and class and mass organisation so that we are able to give a momentum and correct direction to our movements and struggles.


Break-up of JD(U)-BJP alliance

JD(U)-BJP alliance, particularly BJP widened its base and consolidated its strength in Lok Sabha elections 2009 and Bihar Assembly election, 2010. BJP took all possible advantages of remaining in power and expanded its influence with the help of RSS and its auxiliary organisations. JD(U) depended mainly on the populist measures, reservation for women and MBCs in panchayat elections, encouragement to girls education and its campaign for special status for Bihar. However, this alliance reached a point of no return on the question of RSS-BJP’s decision to impose Narendra Modi as the Prime Ministerial candidate for 2014 Lok Sabha election.

While welcoming Nitish Kumar’s decision to part ways with BJP, Left Parties including CPI(M), CPI and CPI(ML) decided to take a stand on JD(U) govt. after evaluating the reversal of capitalist and neo-liberal path of development, pro-feudal stance and other anti-people policies which the alliance govt. was perusing for the last 7 years and a half. But CPI unilaterally broke the joint understanding and developed a soft corner for JD(U) and tail-ended the govt, Which paved the way for a JD(U) -CPI seat adjustment in Lok Sabha elections 2014. Left unity which was largely maintained during 2009 Lok Sabha and 2010 Assembly elections in the state, got derailed, as also CPI(ML)  decided to contest as many seats as possible. CPI(M) was thus left with no choice except to contest 4 seats independently. CPI(M) got 53044 votes in Ujiarpur, 24409 in Khagaria, 17157 in West Champaran and 11606 votes in Darbhanga in spite of active opposition by CPI and CPI(ML). BJP swept the polls with 22 seats as well as 6 seats of LJP and 3 seats of RLSP, its alliance partners while JD(U) got only 2 seats, RJD-4, Congress-2 and NCP-1. Left failed to get a single seat.

Left however united again to have a seat sharing arrangement in bye-elections to 10 Assembly seats after the Lok Sabha elections. Realising that secular votes got divided, JD(U)-RJD-Congress joined hands and won 6 out of 10 seats CPI was forced to join the CPI(M) and CPI(ML) as it was not given a single seat by JD(U), RJD, Congress combine. We however accommodated CPI in Jale and Banka. CPI got about 20000 votes in Jale(Darbhanga), CPI(M) got around 9000 votes in Mohaddinagar about 5000 in Parbatta (Khagaria) and about 2000 in Chhapra, CPI(ML) got about 5000 votes in Mohania and lost badly on other 4 seats. CPI(ML) possibly fights on a much larger no. of seats compared to their  limited appeal only for propaganda.

Bihar Assembly elections are due in Nov 2015. This may he held earlier as BJP is trying to destabilise the state govt. Our party should decide about the seats, talk to the left parties, but start preparation for elections immediately after the State Conference.

The report also analysed the strength and weakness of all other parties including the Left, which is getting weaker for decades. Left has a rich heritage of anti-feudal struggle and organisational structure in almost all the districts. We need to strengthen CPI(M)  as the principal left party by sharpening class and mass struggles and movements, politicise the militants cadres emerging from the struggles so that we are able to take initiative to build left unity and set an alternative agenda before the people and mobilise them to change the co-relations of class and democratic forces in Bihar.

Socio-Economic Situation

JD(U)-BJP government under the leadership of Nitish Kumar has been following a ‘development model’ which is not different from the neo-liberal development policy followed by BJP and Congress. Imposition of the capitalist path of development reinforced with the neo-liberal prescriptions on a feudal socio-economic structure has not yielded positive results. Even after the break-up of the alliance, the same policies are being perused.

The claims of developments by Bihar government belie the reality on the ground. Nitish Kumar had instituted a Bandhopadhyaya Commission on land reforms which found that there is enough surplus land which can be distributed to the landless and homeless rural poor, and that tenants’ rights are not recognised, and as such they can’t get loan or other benefits which affect the agricultural production.  As soon as the report leaked, the feudal forces protested with all their might. Nitish Kumar along with all bourgeois parties including Congress, BJP, RJD, LJP etc surrendered before them. Land reform agenda was thus abandoned immediately by the ruling alliance. In fact, this resulted in the increasing number of eviction of tenants and migration.

Nitish govt changed the priorities and started talking of a rainbow revolution and agricultural road map meaning thereby, use of hybrid seeds and diesel grant, etc, which never percolated to the lower strata of peasantry. If we accept the claims of Bihar govt. economic survey, the production of paddy increased form 57 lakh tons (2008-09) to 83 lakh tons (2012-13), and development in agriculture and animal husbandry increased from 3% to 5.9% between 2006-13, we must give credit for this to the hardworking rural poor and peasantry who chose to face all odds including frequent floods and drought and continued to live in villages, and preferred to survive or die.

The report analysed in details the situation of unemployment and migration, food security and malnutrition, failure in the implementation of MNREGA, loot in welfare schemes, deepening agricultural crisis as a result of poor water management, increased prices of fertilizer, seeds, other inputs, unavailability  of loan, poor and inefficient disaster  management, increasing eviction, dilution of Land acquisition laws, etc.

Likewise the govt failed to attract new investment in industries. Out of 1441 approved new projects, only 191 projects have started. In fact, real-estate business and centrally sponsored government contract works are the only fields which appear to have gained substantially benefitting only the rich builders lobby and contractors and their political masters. Electricity situation is still in great crisis. Education and health system, particularly of women and newly born babies have worsened, corruption has been institutionalised. Law and order is broken down murder and rape are rising as earlier.

There is no future for students and youth.  No new regular recruitment takes place in the government as casual and contract work have become order of the day.

Caste Identity

Caste identity has become the focal issue in all matters, social and political. The former socialist parties followers have abandoned their ideological positions, and RJD, JD(U), LJP, RLSP, SP as well as national bourgeois parties, Congress and BJP are working round the clock around caste equation or social engineering because their existence depends largely on casteism.

Communal Polarisation

BJP, RSS and its auxiliary organisations have widened their base is Bihar during the JD(U)-BJP rule for 7-1/2 years. They have penetrated deep into the govt. machinery, social institutions and socio-cultural and political life in Bihar. After BJP’s ouster from the state govt., they have become more aggressive, and are directly responsible for communal riots and communal polarisation in several districts. This reached a climax during the Lok Sabha campaign and particularly after the installation of Modi govt at the Centre. Feudal forces’ morale is high. Incidences of atrocities on women, dalit and minorities have increased manifolds.

The socio-economic and political situation in Bihar is far more complex today. The capitalist path and neo-liberal policies are creating complexities in rural as well as urban life.  The neo-liberal policy frame work without uprooting the feudal structure is proving to be a complex challenge for us. We must take steps to study this complex situation concretely and counter the bourgeois landlord ideology and politics. BJP is trying hard to capture power in Bihar also. Despite CPI(M)  and left’s limited appeal, we must intervene, organise rural and urban poor, unorganised workers, peasantry and lower middle classes by building our party among newer sections. Let us consolidate our old bases and march ahead and take initiative to build powerful independent and joint movements and struggles while projecting the left and democratic alternative. We must prepare our annual plans, review implementation of these decisions from to time and take corrective measure to achieve this objective.



Party’s Intervention

The Party’s interventions have increased during the last 3 years, particularly at district and local levels. Independent and joint struggles have been organised. The administration has been forced to accept certain demands in certain places. Local level movements and struggles have helped the party reach newer sections but not everywhere.  The report could not mention all these but the state wise trends can be seen. We organised campaigns, movements and struggles for food security, MNREGA, Sanghasha Sandesh Jathas and Delhi rally, foreign investment in retail trade, for the implementation of Bandhopadhayay Commission, for alternative policies, state wise Jan Sangathana Manch, trade unions general strikes, against the death of school children due to mismanagement and corruption in mid-day meal, for democratic rights,  for flood and draught relief, land struggle, against eviction, on the question of dalits, against social atrocities and against atrocities on women and for peace during communal riots, etc. The report dealt with these in details.

Need for a break through

The report devoted more than 50 pages on the organisational decisions and the experience of their implementation. The party organisation, membership, levy, recruitment through class and mass struggles through AG group, branch functioning, local committees, district committees, State Committee and state secretariat functioning, and mid-term review were discussed separately. The report also dealt with expansion of the party, emphasis on local struggles and  party building, whole timers, functioning of centre at all levels. Political education, circulation of party papers, sub-committees and fractions were also taken up. The report concluded that we should study the district conference reports and concretely prepare a detailed and analytical review report on organisation to be able to achieve a break through. We must organise a plenum or special session in future for this purpose. The report also included a report on all class and mass organisation along with the membership chart for the 4 years.

47 comrades participated in the discussion and enriched the report. The level of discussion was generally good. The report was passed after the secretary’s reply in which he clarified certain points raised by the delegates and accepted the positive suggestions.

The conference elected a 50-members state committee, Com Awadesh Kumar was elected the new secretary. A 13- member secretariat was also elected. 18 delegates and 2 observers were also elected for the 21st Congress.

The report of the credential committee was presented which gives an idea about the composition of the delegates.

Com S.R.P greeted the conference with a call to build a powerful movement and organisation to meet the challenges before the party. He appealed to the party members and units to go through the political resolution and the review of political tactical line for the 21st Congress and enrich these documents with their experiences, suggestion and amendments, if any.

Com. Hannan Mollah gave the concluding speech highlighting the urgent need to overcome our weaknesses.